Sentences with phrase «voucher programs do»

Noting that as many as 20 percent of the dogs adopted from one shelter produced litters, Christiansen said that voucher programs do not work, even if mandated by law.

School voucher programs do not have to comply with the same rules as local public and charter schools nor do they have to serve all students.

ESAs, tax credit scholarships, and other school voucher programs do not have to comply with the same rules as local public and charter schools.

Most states funding voucher programs do not allow students with disabilities to retain their full rights under the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act.

While a school voucher proposal is likely, critics say that DeVos» voucher plan would exacerbate educational inequality, that «voucher programs do not work to improve student achievement», and «voucher programs and charter school expansion drain both money and social capital from the traditional public schools, creating even more of an imbalanced, two - tiered system.»

However, research has clearly demonstrated that children in voucher programs do no better, and often worse, than their peers educated in the public system.

This requires «accountability» that truly prioritizes parent choice rather than a bait «n switch to reimpose mass political priorities, as current school voucher programs do.

Parents also can not exercise a real choice when voucher programs do not provide them with necessary or accurate data needed to make informed educational choices.

Like the Supreme Court in Zelman, the Ohio and Wisconsin courts reasoned that voucher programs do not provide money for the benefit of religious schools but rather for the benefit of students and their parents, who may independently choose to use the voucher at a religious school.

Researchers have shown that Catholic schools are more racially integrated than public schools and that voucher programs do not have an adverse effect on integration.

One notable exception is Washington: The District of Columbia's school voucher program did lead to more low - income students gaining admittance to top tier private schools such as Sidwell Friends.

Denver District Court found in 2011 the program violated the Public School Finance Act of 1994 and other provisions of the state Constitution, but it was overturned by the Colorado Court of Appeals in 2013, saying the petitioners lacked standing to sue under the act and that the voucher program did not violate the state Constitution.

Students in the statewide voucher program do not include those in similar Milwaukee or Racine programs.

News articles in recent years have reported that students in Milwaukee's voucher program didn't perform better on state tests and didn't improve.

The appeals court first agreed with the trial court that the voucher programs did not run violate the Religion Clause, citing two Arizona Supreme Court cases, Community Council v. Jordan, 432 P. 2d 460 (Ariz. 1967), andKotterman v. Killian, 972 P. 2d 606 (1999), that suggested that Arizona's Religion Clause was «virtually indistinguishable from the United States Supreme Court's interpretation of the federal Establishment Clause.»

In a 5 - to - 0 decision, the court said that the voucher program did not violate the state's prohibition against using state funds to benefit religious institutions because the primary beneficiaries of the vouchers were the families who used them.

Mychal Thom, head of Concordia Lutheran High School in Fort Wayne, estimated that at least half of his school's 366 voucher recipients last year would have enrolled at Concordia even if the voucher program did not exist.

I'd also like to point out that a voucher program doesn't SEGREGATE anyone.

Decisions about which schools a child may attend «should be made based on a child's individual learning needs, and that's what the school voucher program does,» voucher advocate Tosha Salyers wrote in a 2015 blog post for EdChoice, an Indianapolis - based organization that promotes school choice nationwide.

To have a Secretary of Education who persists in believing that the solution to all of the problems in American education can be solved by expanding school choice and voucher programs doesn't help address these problems in a serious way.

Not exact matches

Trying to compare poverty in the 1960s to poverty today using the official measure yields misleading results; it implies that programs like SNAP, the EITC, and rental vouchers — all of which were either small in the 1960s or didn't yet exist — have no effect in reducing poverty, which clearly is not the case.

Voucher programs that affect only a fraction of students do leave others behind, but that is not an argument against vouchers; it is an argument in favor of a voucher plan that is comprehensive.

Most Americans assume that the separation of church and state is a fundamental principle deeply rooted in American constitutionalism; that the First Amendment was intended to ensure that government does not involve itself with religion (and vice versa); and that contemporary debates over such vexing issues as school prayer, voucher programs, government funding of faith - based organizations, and the rights of religious minorities represent ongoing attempts to realize the separation intended by the Founders and like - minded early Americans.

Mr. Schneiderman said he voted in favor of the voucher program, which involves providing homeless sex offenders $ 90 a night to stay in a motel, even though he didn't like it because he believed it was a better plan than the current trailer policy.

It is well - known throughout political circles that in the 80» and 90's, Westchester County purposely move people living on Welfare, Receiving Section 8 Vouchers, and homeless shelters to cities like Mt. Vernon, Yonkers, Peekskill and other high minority populated areas and did not give financial assistance to fund support programs for the large migration of needy families that were purposely sent to these cities by the Westchester County government.

Asked for confirmation of this description, Assemblyman Richard Gottfried, who vouched for Silver this week until the bitter end, said, «I really don't remember any particular remarks, but with his grumbly voice and deadpan manner, he was always the funniest person on the program.»

It is well - known throughout political circles that in the 1980» and 90's, Westchester County purposely moved people living on Welfare, Receiving Section 8 Vouchers, and homeless shelters to cities like Mt. Vernon, Yonkers, Peekskill and other high minority populated areas and did not give financial assistance to fund support programs for the large migration of needy families that were purposely sent to these cities by the Westchester County government.

The Nov. 9 high court action leaves intact a ruling by the Wisconsin Supreme Court that said the voucher program's inclusion of religious schools does not violate the U.S. Constitution's prohibition against government establishment of religion.

While some Catholic schools do not advertise that they accept vouchers, Immaculate unabashedly uses the program as a recruiting tool.

Paul E. Peterson talks with Anna Egalite of N.C. State about her new study looking at why some private schools do and others don't participate in North Carolina's means - tested voucher program and also at how families make the decision about whether or not to use a school voucher.

And what does research tell us about how states should design and oversee voucher programs — if indeed they should do so at all?

But in a large - scale program, we do not know what proportion of the treatment group would actually use a voucher offered to them.

In every experimental evaluation of private school voucher programs, the students who won the voucher lottery but did not consistently use their voucher to attend private schools have remained in the study over time as members of the treatment group, and the students who lost the voucher lottery but enrolled in private school have remained in the study as members of the control group.

Despite these differences, the bulk of the available, high - quality evidence on school voucher programs suggests that they do yield positive achievement effects for participating students.

But the most telling comment of Mike's faulty thinking on national standards was when he asked:» Does Jay oppose voucher programs because they might get hijacked by shady for - profit providers who just want to make money off the backs of poor kids?»

In fact, there have been seven scientifically valid random - assignment analyses of voucher programs, and all seven found either that all voucher students perform significantly better than their nonvoucher contemporaries, or at least that most of them do (in some studies the results for black students, the majority of participants, are positive, while the results for other students fail to achieve statistical significance).

The difference in enrollment trends suggests that the LSP's regulatory burden had the opposite of its intended effect: discouraging higher - performing schools from participating, leaving only the lower - performing schools that were so desperate to reverse their declining enrollment and increase their funding that they were willing to do whatever the voucher program required.

Control group families did not receive a voucher or any assistance from the MTO program, but could have acquired HUD vouchers through other means.

(Several states with voucher programs have done more by way of obligating voucher - aided schools to participate in state assessments.)

In the federally funded Opportunity Scholarship Program in Washington, D.C., for example, almost half of the available vouchers went unused in the first year of the program because its organizers didn't have adequate time to inform pProgram in Washington, D.C., for example, almost half of the available vouchers went unused in the first year of the program because its organizers didn't have adequate time to inform pprogram because its organizers didn't have adequate time to inform parents.

If private schools in those states don't make enough progress with voucher participants, they get kicked out of the program.

The voucher evaluation did not save the Washington program from the political ax.

Rep. Annette «Polly» Williams is backing a proposal by state education officials to bar private schools in the program from charging voucher students registration and book fees that public schools do not impose, according to Greg Doyle, the spokesman for the state education department, which proposed the rule last month.

Legal reasoning would require that the voucher program, operating as it does, be struck down.

Putting himself somewhat at odds with many voucher proponents, Moe suggests that - based on what the public says - voucher proponents would do well to «get away from free markets and accept an integral role for government regulation in the design of voucher programs.»

So, twenty years after the enactment of Milwaukee's program, a growing body of research shows that students receiving vouchers do as well and often better than their peers in public schools and at a fraction of the taxpayer cost.

We do know for a fact that parents and students who are using the K — 12 voucher program in Washington, D.C., believe their private schools are much safer, and parents often list safety as a top reason for choosing a private school.

What Ravitch does not understand is that this is an «intention to treat» analysis, in which all students who started in private schools via the voucher program are counted as if they had remained there, even if they transferred into public high schools.

And special education vouchers even improve the quality of services for the disabled students who remain in public schools because those schools risk losing students to the voucher program if they do not serve the students well.

When Mr. Obama first moved to phase out the D.C. voucher program in 2009, his Education Department was in possession of a federal study showing that voucher recipients, who number more than 3,300, made gains in reading scores and didn't decline in math.