Sentences with phrase «voucher students if»

And although the state's voucher program has more stringent academic expectations than many others — private schools must give the same state tests as public schools, are graded on the same A-to-F scale and can be prohibited from accepting new voucher students if they perform poorly — there are loopholes.

Not exact matches

More than 700,000 students in more than 1,200 New York City schools — including large high schools in all five boroughs — would face higher class sizes, have fewer teachers and lose after - school academic and enrichment programs if President - elect Trump makes good on a campaign promise to pull billions of federal dollars away from public schools to pay for private vouchers, a UFT analysis has found.

The greatest improvements should be seen among schools that had already received one F grade from the state, since their students would become eligible for vouchers if they received a second F. To test this hypothesis, average FCAT scale - score improvements for schools were broken out by the grade they received the year before.

Because parish members receive a discount on their tuition, a voucher student whose family belongs to the church nets the school $ 1,700 less in state funds than if they were nonmembers.

Ohio law requires that voucher students are charged what they would otherwise pay if they didn't qualify for the financial help.

McKenzie Snow argues that the federal grants could allow students to attend the average Catholic elementary school (the lowest - tuition private schools) if supplemented by a state voucher on the order of those in Indiana, North Carolina, or Ohio ($ 4000 average).

[3] Would poor students using vouchers to attend private schools do better than if they remained in their public systems?

Conversely, «if a white student uses a LSP voucher to attend a school that is more white than its surrounding community, the transfer would be reducing integration at the new school.»

However, if the school refuses to participate in the voucher program, then even students in the first category will not have access to that school.

If students had access to vouchers, then more students would go to school in other neighborhoods and even other cities.

Even if government accountability is not the norm for government programs, some people may still favor requiring choice schools to take the state test and comply with other components of the high - regulation approach to school choice, such as mandating that schools accept voucher amounts as payment in full, prohibiting schools from applying their own admissions requirements, and focusing programs on low - income students in low - performing schools.

In the case of private school choice, you're right that there's a mixed track record, though I would say mostly positive if you look at the full body of evidence about what happens when you allow a student to move from a public school to a private school using a voucher.

If poor families were given vouchers redeemable at the schools of their choice, and the achievement of some students rose, it would call into question Rothstein's notion that income is the master variable.

If schools labeled F fail to improve, their students become eligible for vouchers.

Vouchers have come to include the use of private funding as partial tuition support for low - income students to attend private schools (as in Washington, D.C., San Antonio, and New York); the use of public funds to allow a small number of low - income students to attend private schools (as in Milwaukee and Cleveland); or, as in the case of Florida, the provision of public funds for students to attend a private school or another public school if their current public school has a poor aca - demic record.

That said, Moe's analysis does not, and can not, address the larger question of how social disparity would be distributed within each sector if all students were given vouchers to attend any school - public or private.

The willingness of public schools to put students into special education might be constrained if those schools feared that students would walk out the door with a voucher and all of their funding.

One of the most frequently heard claims is that such vouchers are unnecessary, as disabled students already have the right, under IDEA, to private placement, if that is the appropriate setting for their education.

What Ravitch does not understand is that this is an «intention to treat» analysis, in which all students who started in private schools via the voucher program are counted as if they had remained there, even if they transferred into public high schools.

And special education vouchers even improve the quality of services for the disabled students who remain in public schools because those schools risk losing students to the voucher program if they do not serve the students well.

If these children differ from students who won a voucher but failed to use it in ways that are related to student achievement, it could bias our findings.

In other words, the schools can do what they like but if their voucher - bearing students don't learn enough to pass the state tests, the state will do something about it — ultimately (under Louisiana regulations) eliminating those schools from eligibility to participate in the program.

As NPR's Cory Turner reports, the study finds that public school students in Indiana who used a voucher to switch to a private school tended to backslide academically after switching schools, but if the students remained in the private school long enough, their performance improved.

Using the most conservative 4 % voucher advantage from our study, that means that the 801 students in ninth grade in the voucher program in 2006 included 32 extra graduates who wouldn't have completed high school and gone to college if they had instead been required to attend MPS.

Private schools should also be required to administer whatever tests are part of the state accountability system, if a majority of a school's students attend with the benefit of vouchers.

I am, however, certain that if conservatives are not hypocrites, they will insist that Cleveland's suburban schools open — rather than, as they have close — their doors to the students whose vouchers, at conservatives» behest, Zelman upheld as constitutional.

That increased by 4 percentage points if the student received the offer of a voucher, a better than 100 percent increment in the percentage enrolled in a selective college, a very large increment from a very low baseline.

It allows students living anywhere in Ohio to apply for a voucher to attend private school if they've been slated to a failing public school.

If LSP funding is increased so that all waitlist students receive vouchers, the number of voucher users would still be about 120 smaller than last year.

Based on historical attrition rates, if all the students on the waitlist remain on the waitlist, the number of voucher users this year will be about 560 lower than last year.

We wanted to see whether students performed better on standard tests if they won the voucher opportunity and went to private school.

This is the second year that students living in the Cleveland Metropolitan School District have been able to apply for a voucher to attend a private high school such as Saint Martin if they were attended a Cleveland public school in eighth grade.

As they accept voucher students, what if anything has changed in these schools?

Second, Rick thinks there is an inconsistency in my suspicion that test - prep and manipulation are largely responsible for test score improvements by Milwaukee choice schools after they were required to take high - stakes tests, while I interpret research from Florida as showing schools made exceptional test score gains when faced with the prospect of having vouchers offered to their students if scores did not improve.

In either case, these «unobserved» variables get in the way because students using vouchers may have had different academic outcomes even if there were no voucher program.

If a voucher proposal is directed toward families with students attending failing schools, 51 % of the public favors the idea; just 35 % is opposed.

Private schools were more likely to participate if the gap between their tuition level and the usually lower voucher amount was smaller, if they already had experience serving disadvantaged students, and if they were Catholic schools.

Private schools can decline to participate in voucher programs, but if they agree to serve students on vouchers, in most cases they must accept all comers.

Students may continue to receive vouchers in later years if their family's household income does not rise above 300 percent of the poverty level.

Parents remained more satisfied with their child's school and viewed it as safer if offered a voucher, even though students had similar views of school satisfaction and safety whether in the treatment or control group.

Many proponents of private school choice — both the voucher and tax credit scholarship versions — take for granted that schools won't participate (or shouldn't participate) if government asks too much of them, regulates their practices, requires them to reveal closely held information and — above all — demands that they be publicly accountable for student achievement.

They cherry - picked (if you'll pardon the expression) their method to ensure that the positive results for vouchers wouldn't achieve statistical significance, as was established pretty convincingly not only by Howell and Peterson's devastating response in Ed Next but also by Caroline Hoxby's observations in an NBER paper on their manipulation of the definition of race — Krueger and Zhu use a definition of race that is not currently used by the Census, NCES, or anyone else I know of, and that doesn't accurately reflect the way children really identify themselves by race — and they applied it selectively to only some of the students in the data set, not all of them.

In fact, if anything, the current research shows stronger impacts for students receiving vouchers than for students attending charter schools.

If there are more applicants than available voucher seats, the school must hold a lottery for equal priority students.

One final headline from the Louisiana report: Students who switched to private schools were less likely to be later identified as having special needs, and, if they arrived with the disability label, they were more likely to shed it in a voucher school.

If Indiana's vouchers are notable for how many students are eligible and Colorado's program because district leaders designed it, ESAs are remarkable for the variety of allowable uses.

For instance, most private schools in the Milwaukee voucher program «lack the full complement of educational programs that students with disabilities are entitled to if they receive their education in the public sector,» and as a result, students with disabilities have been discouraged or excluded from participating.

Mitt Romney has pledged that if elected president he will enact a voucher program that would allow parents of low - income and special needs students «to choose from any district or public charter school, or a private school where permitted by state law.»

«If the Court does not rule against these voucher schemes, it will strengthen efforts that seek to erode school board members» ability to prepare all students for success in the 21st century.»

Students are eligible to receive vouchers if their household income does not exceed 133 percent of the guidelines needed to qualify for the federal free and reduced - price lunch (FRL) program ($ 60,528 for a family of four in 2017 — 18).