Sentences with phrase «war theory in»

Whereas «The Challenge of Peace» offered an extensive discussion of conscientious citizen objection to unjust uses of government power, Pavlischek instead emphasized the role of just war theory in statecraft and military planning.

In this article Childress formulated just war theory in terms of the logic of prima facie duties as defined by the philosopher W. D. Ross.

Not exact matches

It could in theory be bankrolled by China or Russia, but those countries no longer share the powerful ideological interests that drew them into the Korean War on Pyongyang's side.

«How do you lend against a house that should in theory be $ 1 million, but someone overpaid in a bidding war at $ 1.4 million, and they want a loan for 75 per cent of the value?»

In the 1930s, the rise of Nazi Germany and the threat of war provided a stimulus for scientists on both sides of the conflict to turn Albert Einstein's famous E = MC2 theory into a destructive reality.

There are any number of theories explaining the sudden drop in crude oil prices after two years of stability: America's increasing supply, the world's faltering demand, an undeclared price war being waged by Saudi Arabia, the rising U.S. dollar.

For those who don't often discuss characterization and story world over dinner, Weinschenk's post kicks off with a great primer on storytelling theory, explaining the basics of Campbell's thinking (famously exemplified by the journey of Star Wars» Luke Skywalker), as well as the roughly bell - shaped story diagram every writer learns in her first class on structure.

With man thinking the world was flat (scientist of the times theory, I might add) and doctors believing you could bleed someone out to save them in the civil war times.

What is really fascinating is the theory that the Hebrew and Muslim deity figure derive from a war god in an ancient Semitic pantheon whose association with the other gods was lost in the confusion that time and oral tradition bring.

If just - war theory is in poor repute today it is because it has been pressed into service to justify war rather than to prevent or restrain it; rather than being used to advance the cause of peace or justice, the theory has often provided a quickly accessible patina of moral justifiability to disguise aggression and expansionist policy.

This means in theory that stringent conditions must be met before the church can sanction a war.

The Great Compression - the substantial reduction in inequality during the New Deal and the Second World War - also seems hard to understand in terms of the usual theories.

Writing in the Journal of Religious Ethics, they make clear enough, as it used to be said, where they are coming from: «Just war theory is properly understood as an expression of a tradition in Christian political thought that can broadly be described as Augustinian.

In his letter Bryce Sibley suggests that this requires me to reject not just the death penalty but just - war theory as well.

The distinguished sociologist of the University of Virginia and author of the acclaimed Culture Wars here undertakes a close examination of what, in theory and practice, «moral education» means in most American schools.

In his classic text, Peace and Wars A Theory of International Relations, Raymond Aron confirms that

It is a powerful body of philosophical theory that has fought nobly in the philosophical wars of the past two centuries.

The collapse of sacred order in Europe during the World Wars left many of Europe's surviving Jewish intellectuals to stake their theory and practice on the future of the United States and Israel.

Although Whitehead seems to reject the Marxist idea of the class war (AI 35), he knew that society built on iniquity resulted either in its self - destruction or a correction built on the insertion of some new theory into the social structure (AI 14).

Although held in theory over a long period, the belief was accentuated during the latter part of the nineteenth century and since, and became finally a basic dogma underlying the Japanese Imperial thrust, which is often regarded as the beginning of World War II.9 The idea was taught in the schools, in the army, and resulted finally in a fanatical religious, as well as patriotic, devotion to the emperor, without which, it seems to the writer, it is impossible to explain the daring attack of the island empire of Japan upon the richest and most powerful nation in the world, the United States.

theory and actions of Radical Feminists who choose separation from the Dissociated State of patriarchy in order to release the flow of elemental energy and Gynophilic communication; radical withdrawal of energy from warring patriarchy and transferal of this energy to women's Selves.

One might say that just as nuclear war has made of the whole planet a potential battlefield, thus raising new questions about war itself, so, too, has modern advertising made of the whole planet an actual constant marketplace, thus provoking radical changes in the practice and theory of human intercourse.

The Leninist Theory, in which the blame for war is put upon a structure, a system, or a «Machine,» rejects the corollary shared by pacifisms 1 and 2 that insists upon the cultivation of personal peacefulness.

Because of the cultural changes of modernity, however, the just war tradition has been carried, developed, and applied not as a single cultural consensus but as distinct streams in Catholic canon law and theology, Protestant religious thought, secular philosophy, international law, military theory and practice, and the experience of statecraft.

For this reason one can not be truly Catholic without respecting and seeking to understand the record of the tradition, and one can not have a genuinely Catholic contemporary understanding of just war without a grasp of the Church's normative tradition on just war and its place in the theory of statecraft and international order.

A systematic just war theory came only some time later, beginning with Gratian's Decretum in the middle of the twelfth century, maturing through the work of two generations of successors, the Decretists and the Decretalists, and taking theological form in the work of Thomas Aquinas and others in the latter part of the thirteenth century.

The first three correspond to the three requisites found in classic just war tradition for a just resort to armed force — requisites we have seen through the lens of Aquinas» just war theory.

Third, the context has shifted: in contrast to the traditional Catholic conception of the political community, and politics within such communities, as the means of achieving real if limited justice for human life in the world, and a corresponding theory of international relations, recent Catholic thought on war often treats the state as a locus of injustice and the goals of particular states as inherently at odds with the achievement of common human goals, while an internationalism defined in terms of the United Nations system is proposed as the best means to those common goals.

The Challenge of Peace, without reference to the logic of prima facie duties, replicates the structure of Childress» argument exactly: just war theory begins with a presumption against war, and the just war criteria function to override this presumption (or to show that it should not be overridden) in particular cases.

I have been engaged in developing another paradigm for the ethics of peace and war besides that of pacifism and just war theory — just peacemaking.

The intense debate in the United States since September 11 about the meaning, history, and contemporary applicability of just war theory» much of it conducted in the pages of First Things» has been instructive and for the most part at a high level of conceptual and ethical sophistication.

In the herein God orders conduct that is clearly condemned by the proponents of the just war theory, let alone by those who believe that Jesus taught nonviolence.

I come from this position from both having served in the military and considered «just war theory» at masters level.

In the end, competing perceptions of our national moral virtue lie at the heart of the division between soft and hard just war theory.

Ron Mock suggests that I confuse justice and order in my rendering of just war theory.

The American Christian debate about just war theory is in a sense nothing other than a debate about America's role in the world, a debate little changed since, say, 1968.

Hard just war theory reverses these emphases, replacing them with the following: a presumption against injustice and disorder rather than against war; an assumption that war is tragic but inevitable in a fallen world and that war is a necessary task of government; a tendency to trust the U.S. government and its claims of need for military action; an emphasis on just war theory as a tool to aid policymakers and military personnel in their decisions; an inclination to distrust the efficacy of international treaties and to downplay the value of international actors and perspectives; a less stringent or differently oriented application of some just war criteria; and no sense of common ground with Christian pacifists.

The deeper reality is that there are two different kinds of just war theories, rooted in theoretical differences and especially in different assessments of American behavior: there is «soft» just war theory and «hard» just war theory.

The 20th - century development of just war theory is clearly an evolution of the historic tradition in response to the carnage of the era.

But a chorus of dissatisfaction with just war theory is gaining strength in the U.S., and not just from pacifists and others who dissent from the tradition on principle.

In response, he called for rigorous retrieval of «classic» just war theory.

More than thirty years after that letter, Ramsey's achievements included pioneering work in medical ethics and an almost singlehanded (at least among Protestants) renewal of just war theory.

As provisions of the just - war theory passed into the developing corpus of international law in the 17th century, they retained their categorical or absolutist character.

The absolutist conception of justice was reflected in the medieval theory of the just war.

August 2011 — The Air Force stops teaching the Just War theory to officers in California because the course is taught by chaplains and is based on a philosophy introduced by St. Augustine in the third century AD — a theory long - taught by civilized nations across the world (except America).

In such a perspective the just - war theory of Augustine and the sexual restrictions of the Roman Catholic Church are equally unpersuasive, and, indeed, are themselves immoral!

Dana Robert, in her 1994 article «From Missions to Mission to Beyond Missions: The Historiography of American Protestant Foreign Missions since World War II,» laments that the historical study of Protestant mission theory tends «not to be grounded in study of actual mission practice.

But then Charles Darwin wrote about something called the Theory of Evolution, which challenged the long - held Christian belief that the world was created by God in six days, and the war between the dual revelations flared back up.

The precise theory may be traced back to Dr John Money (1921 - 2006), a New Zealand psychologist who worked in the United States after the Second World War.

Furthermore, the radical changes that the nuclear age has brought to the phenomenon of war make it impossible to weigh means against ends in the way required by just - war theory.