Why does it matter in the context of global
warming policy if computer models can not definitively explain the distant past?
You asked: Why does it matter in the context of global
warming policy if computer models can not definitively explain the distant past?
Not exact matches
Despite the tensions over
policies, the debate ended on a
warm note, when Mrs Clinton said the first person she would call would be Mr Sanders,
if she won the nomination.
«Global efforts to stay well below 2 degrees [Celsius of
warming], and especially 1.5 degrees, will be severely compromised
if international aviation and shipping emissions continue to increase,» Mark Lutes, senior global climate
policy adviser at the World Wide Fund for Nature's global climate and energy initiative, said by email.
You'll feel a lot
warmer if you already have the
policies you want.
If and when
warming (as measured by some comprehensible benchmark) resumes, there will be more broad - based uptake for
policy action.
Even
if you reject the
policy prescriptions or science interpretations of the Global Warming Policy Forum, the director, Benny Peiser, is an energetic aggregator of climate coverage that you might otherwise
policy prescriptions or science interpretations of the Global
Warming Policy Forum, the director, Benny Peiser, is an energetic aggregator of climate coverage that you might otherwise
Policy Forum, the director, Benny Peiser, is an energetic aggregator of climate coverage that you might otherwise miss.
Because unfortunately, most
policy makers, and those in the general public who are informed about the problem, are still behaving as though we have decades in which to gradually reduce emissions
if we want to limit
warming to 2 °C, and that doing so is sufficient to prevent severe impacts.
Last week I posted a «Your Dot» contribution from Raymond T. Pierrehumbert, a University of Chicago climate scientist concerned that
policy makers and the public keep in mind the primacy of carbon dioxide emissions
if they are serious about limiting the chances of propelling disruptive human - driven global
warming.
If you read anything related to global
warming policy solutions, I suggest you read this book.
In Shellenberger's variant, you need to add the words «in China» to any claim about the role of an energy technology or
policy in fighting global
warming and see
if it still holds up.
And
if these
policies were actually discussed publicly in that way (as being beneficial for many reasons other than mitigating global
warming) perhaps we'd get out of the trap that Michael Crichton and his ilk continue to set for us.
«
If current
policy continues to fail — along the lines of the «agree and ignore» scenario — then 50 % to 80 % of all species on earth could be driven to extinction by the magnitude and rapidity of
warming, and much of the planet's surface left uninhabitable to humans.
If we ARE
warming (and we are), then the integrity of the model becomes more important (back to the public
policy bit above).
In a forthcoming paper for the Harvard Law and
Policy review, «Fast Clean Cheap,» we argue that a regulation - centered approach would only achieve 10 — 30 percent emissions reductions in the U.S. by 2050, whereas we need 80 percent emissions reductions in the U.S. and 50 percent emissions reductions worldwide by then
if we are to avoid catastrophic global
warming.
In other words,
if you had used the 1988 paper to predict the next 20 years, you would not have been far out on the temperature trend, though you would not have done so well
if e.g. you had based long - term agriculture
policy or anything else where you needed to know the exact location of the
warming on the paper.
If a
policy prescription does not account for the real complexity in the climate system, and real gaps in knowledge about aspects of global
warming that matter most, is it likely that the public and lawmakers will pursue a big transformation of lifestyles and economic norms to curb CO2 emissions in a growing world still more than 85 percent dependent on burning fossil fuels to drive economies?
It is my view that
policy makers (at least the ones that matter) will actually understand the technical aspects of global
warming, and
if they don't, they will seek out someone on their staff to explain it to them.
Promoting these
policies,
if there is truly a causal link, should be a part of controlling global
warming.
Likewise, the current
policy outlook indicates that
warming would still exceed 2 °C in the second part of this century — a result that will be more likely
if climate is slightly more sensitive than the lowest credible estimates or
if politicians» pledges to reduce emissions do not bear out.
Over the years, the more I learned, the more sceptical I became, I don't believe at this stage that the massive economic costs incurred by proposed anti-AGW
policies can be justified, and that
if it is proven to be a serious issue, then dealing with it is better deferred until economic growth and potential technological breakthroughs would make the cost more feasible,
if and only
if it had been demonstrated that (a) AGW were real; (b) the costs of inaction were enormous; and (c) the costs of action would bring commensurate benefits, e.g. would stop or long defer dangerous
warming.
I've been waiting for some philoopher of science to point out that,
if there are no predictions for
warming, there is absolutely no basis for the
policies based on predictions.
«I know there are some out there, probably a couple hundred people, who actually believe that the world is coming to an end and man - made global
warming is going to cause it, so I just want to give them the assurance that
if they're right and we are wrong, [proposed climate
policies are] not going to reduce but it will increase CO2 emissions,» he said.
But though we've failed to bring forth meaningful
policies that will prevent future
warming, I do believe that eventually we will, and we might,
if we are lucky, prevent a rise in global temperatures beyond 3C.
«Even
if the theory of global
warming is wrong, we will be doing the right thing in terms of economic and environmental
policy.»
It don't mean a thing
if it ain't got that schwing, troposphere
warming that's missing, «n models» showing 3-fold exaggerated
warming, (though no expanded wildfire - flood activity as predicted, instead greater agricultural productivity) a theory that's used for
policy determining.
If climate
policy exceeds the pathway prescribed by NDCs, and overall energy demand is lower, cost reductions in solar PV and EVs can help limit global
warming to between 2.1 °C (50 % probability) and 2.3 °C (66 % probability).
If this budget was unanimously accepted as the guiding principle of global climate
policy and stringent action was taken to limit emissions to 1000 GtCO2, could we be reasonably certain that
warming would be limited below 2 °C?
If you take all the
policy promises that nations proposed at Paris last year (which included reducing HFCs), they still put us on pace for 2.5 °C or 3 °C or more of
warming.
The
policy question is what
if the first of these is just dead set wrong (difficult as is for space cadets to imagine — and remembering that models can't help us here) and the planet resolutely refuses to
warm for a decade or three more at least?
If we accept that global
warming will be a net negative impact for the global economy and human well - being (I don't accept that, but will proceed on that assumption for the sake of argument here),
policies will have to be sustainable for many decades to a century.
The onus is clearly on the alarmists,
if they want to argue for high cost mitigation
policies, to demonstrate what is the damage cost of
warming.
The crucial questions are: will
warming resume — we don't know;
if so, will the impact be positive or negative — we don't know;
if there might be dangerous
warming, what
policies should we adopt?
To placate them, the White House instituted energy
policies that made it appear as
if carbon dioxide and global
warming were indeed grave threats.
Finally, the
policy relevance is probably a lot smaller than Dr. Curry makes it out to be, because even
if ECS turns out to be as low as she thinks it is (1.64 degrees C per doubling of CO2),
if we continue on a business as usual type pathway, we will still commit ourselves to a
warming of over 3 degrees.
If that is the case, here is the problem: existing
policy proposals do not, as far as I know, supply even «fuzzy» benefits — something like (don't pick on the numbers — I pulled them out of my nether region as an example only): Best case: RCP8.5, TCS 6.0, estimated reduced
warming: 5C GMST by 2100 Worst case: RCP2.0, TCS 1.4, estimated reduced
warming: 0.2 C GMST by 2100 Estimated costs per 1C increase in GMST: $ 150B p.a.
RickA October 8, 2012 at 1:24 pm : «
If CO2 caused 50 % of the.8 C in warming, that has a very different policy implication than if CO2 caused 80 % or 20 %.&raqu
If CO2 caused 50 % of the.8 C in
warming, that has a very different
policy implication than
if CO2 caused 80 % or 20 %.&raqu
if CO2 caused 80 % or 20 %.»
Clearly that's not a sensible
policy;
if one has to waste taxpayer money in advertising, it makes sense to at least invest it in advertising that is likely to have the greatest impact on global
warming.
The thrust of Mankiw's op - ed, One Answer to Global
Warming: A New Tax, is that there is a «broad consensus» among «
policy wonks» that «
if we want to reduce global emissions of carbon, we need a global carbon tax.
The debate is sort of encapsulated in two quotes: One is Robert Kennedy Jr. saying that
if people only had the facts about global
warming and understood how urgent this issue was, then they would take action, the right
policies would come up and people would support the right candidates.
Our study shows that
if corals can adapt to
warming that has occurred over the past 40 to 60 years, some coral reefs may persist through the end of this century,» said study lead author Cheryl Logan, Ph.D., an assistant professor in California State University Monterey Bay's Division of Science and Environmental
Policy.
Even
if the theory of global
warming is wrong, we will be doing the right thing — in terms of economic socialism and environmental
policy.
Corporations concerned about the
policy implications of mainstream conclusions regarding anthropogenic
warming have an enormous reservoir of capital, and
if I recall correctly, one of them -LRB-?
Moreover, as I've argued here previously, the emphasis, or hope that science can conclusively answer the debate about global
warming almost concedes to the alarmist / precautionary perspective that,
if «climate change is happening», then so the
policies are justified.
Importantly, whether one thinks global
warming poses little or no threat or that the planet is on a path toward catastrophe, the cumulative climate effect of these
policies,
if implemented, would be a change in the earth's temperature almost too small to measure.
To date, the electric utility industry has aided and abetted the climate alarmist cause,
if not by actually lobbying for global
warming regulation, then at least by its willingness to entertain such regulation as public
policy worthy of serious consideration.
Along with many other economists, my view on global
warming - associated climate change is that the world is most unlikely to be able to agree and coordinate globally, and then sustain for the centuries required, the growth - denying
policies that would be needed
if we were to limit human - induced global
warming to any material effect beyond the [continue reading...]
The resolutions ask both Exxon and Chevron to explain how resilient their portfolios and strategy would be
if policy measures to restrict
warming to 2 ˚C, as agreed in Paris in 2015, were successfully enforced.
Even
if the
warming is, say, 6; then the debate is over
policy.
Even
if you play devils advocate and accept that humans do cause catastrophic
warming and there are too many of us, and
if you can skip past the Nazi eugenics connotations of population control and depopulation
policies, those methods are fundamentally still not a valid solution to the perceived climate change threat.