Sentences with phrase «way more labours»

I have probably been at over 100 births and way more labours than that.

Not exact matches

They can look for win - win ways to raise labour standards to make workers better off and more productive.

«And despite the overwhelming evidence that one's field of study is the most important factor determining labour market outcomes, today's students have not gravitated to more financially advantageous fields in a way that reflects the changing reality of the labour market.»

The Labour leader stated the OBR forecast showed Mr Osborne's to eradicate the deficit fully was nothing much more than an extremist ideological experiment that would demolish community solutions, insisting that borrowing was the only liable way to fund roadways and property developing schemes with no hitting the NHS.

Von Hayek and his comrades assert that the roots of the crisis are to be found in the ominous and excessive power of unions, and in a more general way, of the labour movement; according to them, unions have undermined the base of private accumulation (of investment) by their salary claims and by their pressure against the rise by the State of the parasitical social expenses without end.

It was always immoral to ask more by way of interest than the basic, overall value of the fruits of the earth, or the maximum output of honest human labour.

The example of St Thomas More, Bedford, is a chilling one, for the Department «for» Children, Schools and Families presented it as the exemplar of what all Catholic schools will now be forced to become if Labour has its way.

Suddenly, Mata has a more obvious way into games, the labour shared by Martial and Memphis can be divided in a more logical and defined manner rather than doubling up on the left and United's best line - up on paper can begin to function on the field.

There is much more to say about the labour republicans but there are straightforward ways in which they can serve as an inspiration to us today.

But Graham is even more fascinated by the Labour leader's most fervent supporters and the way that the party appears to have transformed since Corbyn arrived on the scene.

But unlike May, Heath was booted out of Number 10 to make way for Harold Wilson, whose Labour party won a mere four seats more than the Tories.

«Sunder Katwala, the general secretary of the Fabian society and a signatory of the statement confirmed that the specific references to The Labour party and its bloggers was due to concerns that a more general code would in some way burden Green, Lib Dem and other non-Labour bloggers with the current reputation problems faced by both the Government and labour Labour party and its bloggers was due to concerns that a more general code would in some way burden Green, Lib Dem and other non-Labour bloggers with the current reputation problems faced by both the Government and labour Labour bloggers with the current reputation problems faced by both the Government and labour labour blogs.

Is there any way we can get a guarantee from Labour that there'll be no more of this type of legislation once back in?

Yet, she still went out of her way to show that Labour has never had an «open door» approach - showing the many repressive immigration acts passed by her party as evidence — and praising her party's pledge to introduce 1000 more border guards than the Tories to stop «illegal migrants».

Some of the shine was taken off that choreography, however, when pesky Jeremy Corbyn — and even more pesky John Bercow — agreed while the PM was on his way to Wiltshire that the Labour leader should be allowed to ask an urgent question in the Commons.

The most important thing is that analysing past elections & predicting future elections is ridiculous, since electoral reform will hopefully change the political parties and the political process anyway, to make them more responsive to the genuine majority view, instead of the tribal attitude we see when Paul suggests that we should keep FPTP as the best way of electing a Labour government.

Fortunately, the formation of the Conservative - Liberal Democrat coalition has now given Labour a chance to reinvent itself in a more fundamental way than any since the party's formation.

But that was when the Lib Dems could have gone either way — with David Cameron's Conservatives, to whom they were more sympathetic, or Labour.

(2) They make it more likely that a coup will happen still (again, have to agree with John Rentoul) and a new leader will try some semblance of making a clean break from Brown & Blair (there's no other way) in order to make the electorate listen, very briefly, to why people should vote Labour.

With little more than a week and a half to go to the Scottish Parliament election (albeit with Labour remarkably still to unveil its manifesto) it seems there is nothing that can stand in the way of a second SNP overall majority.

The second major way in which the former Labour now SNP voters are distinct is by being much more left - wing on a variety of economic values and issues.

Although his performance during the election campaign improved voter perceptions somewhat, he still lagged way behind David Cameron, who, unlike the Labour leader, is more popular than his party.

What is more unfortunate is seeing numerous people within Labour and on the left joining in, perceiving in some vague unspecified way that Laws» misguided attempts to protect his private life and Alexander's significantly less misguided decision to only pay the amount of tax he was legally obliged to were somehow the moral equivalent to the more eyewatering examples of house flipping that Labour ministers got up to in the last parliament.

To succeed in becoming a part of the centre - left that can inspire its membership and gain public support Labour needs combine two things: being more ideologically rooted in clear values and principles with being decisively more pluralist and open in the way it does politics.

Whichever way you «spin'the figures Sunder; it's still shows many (& I mean many) more Labour pigs with their snouts in the trough than Tory pigs, now doesn't it.

Another way of putting it is that Lib Dem MPs are more likely to hold on to their seats — other things being equal — than the Tories or Labour.

Many certainly found the Tories more sympathetic to their own aims in life — especially if they had their own business or wanted to buy their own home — they also believed the Conservatives more determined than Labour (and David Cameron more able than Ed Miliband) to tackle the country's problems in ways that went beyond spending more money.

In a close three - way race, for example, a tactical Labour supporter may be more confident that their candidate can beat the Liberal Democrat than the Conservative candidate, and therefore vote for the Liberal Democrat to ensure he or she makes it into the final round.

Furthermore, the prime minister is able to use honours for leverage: many of the victims of Harold MacMillan's «night of the long knives» were mollified with peerages; more recently it was alleged in some quarters that Tony Blair convinced a number of ageing Labour MPs to retire in 2001 to make way for young New Labour high - fliers, by promising them peerages.

Essentially, the kind of politics that Labour needs is one in which we allow more freedom to people in the way they find, articulate and fulfil left - of - centre politics.

Maybe Labour will find a way of jettisoning Corbyn by 2018 and installing a more press - friendly leader ahead of the next general election.

At the moment Labour are nothing more than a reactionary party and will be cosigned to the dustbin of history the way things are going.

by the way even if 80 % of all the addtional votes labour needs to win an election came from ukip, and labour relied on the 37 % of labour voters who voted Brexit, it would mean that more than half the people labour would need for a overall majority in 2020 voted for leave in 2016.

She said: «Working in a mature and adult way where you recognise what your shared goal is, that is not something which I think would be particularly more difficult with Labour than it is with the Conservatives.»

I have no doubt that the Conservative Party will make major gains in votes and seats in the next 10 years that will build to their return to power ultimately, but they are a long way off actually winning a majority and it has to be said that a Hung Parliament now looks more improbable than at any time since 2001, demographic factors are working against the Conservative Party as well - Labour seats mostly are held with far lower turnouts which is partly why Labour can get fewer votes than the Conservatives and end up with an overall majority and far more seats than the Conservative Party.

I wouldn't have guessed that Labour would have recovered to the degree they did after the bank bailout, and this is very much uncharted territory, so while I think next year will be bad for Labour, here are two alternate ways that it could play out that are more positive.

«I think Jeremy has been a fillip to the Labour party in lots of ways and let us get back to a more traditional left Labour position, one in which I am more comfortable than arguably I have been at any point,» he said.

In many ways, this recalled the New Labour emphasis on aspiration which resonated with voters in 1997, but may be greeted more sceptically by an electorate that is mired in more difficult economic times.

«He wants you to believe that the housing crisis in our country can not be fixed in the way that Labour has consistently called for, and even colleagues in his own Cabinet have argued for, by increasing investment to build more housing.

Oldham East and Saddleworth is a three way marginal, between Labour, the Liberal Democrats and the Conservatives, which makes for an even more interesting test of where the parties stand with the public.

The more seats a party or grouping has, the more chance it has of forming a government - with 198 seats out of 646 the Conservative Party could only form a government if significant numbers of other MP's decided to back them, as happened in 1924 when there was a situation that the Conservatives didn't want to form a coalition with either other main party and equally the Liberals didn't want a coalition with Labour and the Liberals and Conservatives saw it as an opportunity to allow Labour into government but in a situation in which legislation was still reliant on Liberal and Conservative votes and they could be brought down at the most suitable time, supposing the notional gains were accurate and in the improbable event of the next election going exactly the same way in terms of votes then 214 out of 650 is 32.93 % of seats compared to at 198 out of 646 seats - 30.65 % of seats and the Conservative Party would then be 14 seats closer towards a total neccessary to form a government allowing for the greater number of seats, on the one hand the Conservatives need Labour to fail but equally they need to succeed themselves given that the Liberal Democrats appear likely to oppose anyone forming a government who does not embark on a serious programme to introduce PR, in addition PC & SNP would expect moves towards Independence for Scotland and Wales, the SDLP will be likely to back Labour and equally UKIP would want a committment to withdraw from Europe and anyway will be likely to be in small numbers if any, pretty much that leaves cutting a deal with the DUP which would only add the backing of an extra 10 - 13 MP's.

But he says Labour must also find a way to address people's fears over identity and community at a much more intuitive level.

What is clear, though, is that we need less chatter from assorted Labour voices as to the way ahead and more national leadership from Miliband.

In his letter to the former labour leader, Tinubu said the way Oshiomhole, who clocked 65 on Tuesday, segued from trade unionism to party politics was indeed a unique one, which he said was made more notable by his emergence as a governor.

The way the cards have fallen, the system is now even more skewed against Labour than it was against the Conservatives.

He denied accusing Labour of organising violence but said some trade union - funded anti-fascist groups had «acted in a violent way more than once».

If asked why this has happened, they tend to point a finger at the way in which Labour's «diversity agenda» for the civil service was implemented: background or gender or ethnicity came to count for more than ability, and the institutional memory of the machine was stripped out by change for change's sake.

But there can be no doubt that Labour's efforts to make partisan politics more accessible and democratic have inspired many hitherto passive citizens to engage in politics, and so contributed in important ways to reinvigorating the previously weak connection between the party and the public.

It is clear a new model is needed and Labour needs to lead the way with a more pro-active and collaborative model.

Kicking off the discussions, Matthew Sowemimo spoke with great conviction about the importance of tackling child poverty in a far more ambitious way than Labour have done.