Not exact matches
Much as
weak signals from the outer realms of the universe are both hard to detect and even more difficult to interpret, so, too, preliminary findings about the ways in which new forms of
school choice will shape the public
schools are hardly definitive.
On the
school choice front, Nevada has a limited open - enrollment policy, and a charter
school law that is deemed
weak by the Center for Education Reform, a rating that lowers the state's grade.
So, one could say that the price you pay for greater
school choice is
weaker equity.
Including closing
weak charter
schools or cutting off public funding to private
schools of
choice if they diminish achievement?
School choice options include a statewide open - enrollment policy and a charter school law that is rated weak by the Center for Education R
School choice options include a statewide open - enrollment policy and a charter
school law that is rated weak by the Center for Education R
school law that is rated
weak by the Center for Education Reform.
This approach is good for kids — protecting them from bad
schools — and it's also good politics — safeguarding
choice programs from criticisms about
weak performance and shoddy quality.
But
school choice also has a
weak point: bad
schools that emerge and persist in a marketplace that hasn't brought nearly as much quality control as proponents expected.
It is simply incorrect to claim, as the AEI authors did, that «a
school choice program's impact on test scores is a
weak predictor of its impacts on longer - term outcomes.»
So is it true, as Hitt, McShane, and Wolf claim, that «a
school choice program's impact on test scores is a
weak predictor of its impacts on longer - term outcomes»?
Support for
school choice in all its forms and for NCLB appears to be somewhat
weaker among voters in
school board elections than among the population as a whole.
As the authors put it, «A
school choice program's impact on test scores is a
weak predictor of its impacts on longer - term outcomes.»
A new paper argues that a
school choice program's impact on test scores is a
weak predictor of its impacts on longer - term outcomes.
After running a variety of analyses, Hitt, McShane, and Wolf concluded that «A
school choice program's impact on test scores is a
weak predictor of its impacts on longer - term outcomes.»
Their conclusion: «at least for
school choice programs, there is a
weak relationship between impacts on test scores and later - life outcomes.»
It certainly embodies no true agreement about which levels of government should do what, about what to do about
weak achievement and faltering
schools, about «accountability,» or about «
choice.»
Universal
school choice that provides access to quality educational options, as Paul Hill of the University of Washington observes, will «depend on the supply - side, that is, on the success of arrangements that promote the creation of a wide variety of
school options, expose all
schools to performance pressures through competition, and permit constant replacement of
weak schools by promising new ones.»
But after many hours of conversations with researchers and practitioners as diverse as Anthony Bryk (Stanford University), Linda Darling Hammond (Stanford), Gene Bottoms (Southern Regional Education Board), Judy Codding (America's
Choice cofounder), and Ted Sizer (Coalition of Essential
Schools), Vander Ark became convinced that high school was where the reform money was most needed and that existing high schools were intrinsically weak institutions that could not be fixed on the m
Schools), Vander Ark became convinced that high
school was where the reform money was most needed and that existing high
schools were intrinsically weak institutions that could not be fixed on the m
schools were intrinsically
weak institutions that could not be fixed on the margins.
They contend that the evidence points to a mismatch, specifically that «a
school choice program's impact on test scores is a
weak predictor of its impacts on longer - term outcomes.»
On the East Coast, Washington, D.C., has become the new darling of the
school choice movement, thanks in part to pro-reform leadership (and a
weak union) that has delivered an evaluation and merit pay system much like the one New York's reformers once hoped to implement at home.
I'm basing that conclusion of the
weak connection on my review of those 7 charter and private
school choice studies as well as the Heckman book I referenced.
While there's much emphasis on the necessity of
school choice («
choice can strongly foster diversity and increase the options for students living in areas where the existing
schools are
weak») there's an oxymoronic antipathy towards public charter
schools which, in our most segregated districts, are often the only
choices available to families who can't afford private
schools or out - of - district tuition.
Because of that, and the possibility that all
schools — including the
weakest ones — might be improving over the long - term, this study isn't a sweeping condemnation of
school choice.
Maryland currently has one of the
weakest charter
school laws in the nation, which has left parents here with fewer
choices for educating their children than in many other states.
In May, The New York Times blamed
school choice for why the NYC high
school application process is so complicated and traps the neediest kids in the
weakest performing
schools.
I countered that the problem wasn't the concept of
school choice, but that a weak K - 8 educational system left many teens with few choices by... Continue reading Your Cheat Sheet For Figuring Out All Your NYC High - School Choices — And How To Ge
school choice, but that a
weak K - 8 educational system left many teens with few
choices by... Continue reading Your Cheat Sheet For Figuring Out All Your NYC High - School Choices — And How To G
choices by... Continue reading Your Cheat Sheet For Figuring Out All Your NYC High -
School Choices — And How To Ge
School Choices — And How To G
Choices — And How To Get Them
Cantor said Wednesday that he wants more «
school choice» — allowing parents to pull students from
weak public
schools and enroll them in a better traditional, charter or private
school, with tuition ideally paid with federal money.
Yet the detrimental effects are
weaker for disadvantaged students, who typically constitute the proposed target of
school choice reforms.
@ 300baud: that
school choice doesn't actually produce better results is a
weak argumen t against
school choice?
In opposition, Mr Gove had spoken of the need for reform, saying: «The situation that we have at the moment is flawed and it's a situation which leads students, particularly in
weaker schools and particularly from poorer backgrounds, to be led into making
choices which are not good for them.»
But that cornerstone is proving to be
weaker than once thought as science reveals more information about how humans make
choices, writes Kent Greenfield, professor at Boston College Law
School, in a guest post at the American Constitution Society Blog.