In this scheme, both ends of the fuel cycle are handled by a small group of countries, mainly the
nuclear weapons states in the original proposal.
Unilateral nuclear disarmament would leave France as the sole nuclear
weapons state in Europe, inflating Paris's role in the north Atlantic alliance and hastening the demise of the Anglo - American special relationship.
«If Britain is to set an example to countries like Iran and to other
non-nuclear weapon states, key decisions must be made openly and accountably in parliament, not at insider - only speeches.»
For example, the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty reads: Each nuclear -
weapon State Party to the Treaty undertakes not to transfer to any recipient whatsoever nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices or control over such...
«Being a nuclear
weapons state comes with the most solemn of responsibilities and that is why we must work together with our allies to make sure the secrets of these weapons stay safe and out of the hands of terrorists.»
Comparisons are difficult, Bronson says, but there are more nuclear
weapon states today than in the 1950s.
The nuclear -
weapon states still have enough fissile materials in their weapon stockpiles for tens of thousands of nuclear weapons.
Based on the reactions to the nuclear ban treaty by the nuclear
weapons states especially the United Kingdom, France and the United States, they expect that the norms set by the Treaty will have an impact on global perception of nuclear weapons and their self - perceived status as legitimate possessors of nuclear weapons.
Afri's Co-ordinator, Joe Murray, in calling for an urgent ban of
autonomous weapons stated that «The world is already over-armed to an alarming extent, the devastating consequences of which, are seen and experienced day and daily in the form of wholesale injury, death and destruction.
In my view, the Nuclear Summit has only further legitimized the existence of a reality that will be dominated by nuclear power and energy, thus reinforcing an existing status - quo and sidelining what I believe is one of the most important issues to be addressed: the need for complete nuclear disarmament by
nuclear weapon states.
«I think all of our leaders in the nuclear
weapons states must understand the value of dialogue and signalling for conflict avoidance and management.»
An independent Scotland can not be a nuclear
weapon state, because of the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty (NPT) of 1970.
... Mr Alexander replied: «This proposition that a nuclear threat from another nuclear
weapons state, overnight, out of the blue, to be a threat to the United Kingdom, is not supported by any analysis that I have seen.»
The Non-Proliferation Treaty commits the five nuclear
weapons states to nuclear disarmament, but provides no timetable for doing so.
... the non-nuclear-
weapon states agree never to acquire nuclear weapons and the NPT nuclear - weapon states in exchange agree to share the benefits of peaceful nuclear technology and to pursue nuclear disarmament aimed at the ultimate elimination of their nuclear arsenals.
Five states are recognized by the Non-Proliferation Treaty as nuclear
weapon states (NWS): China (signed 1992), France (1992), the Soviet Union (1968; obligations and rights now assumed by the Russian Federation), the United Kingdom (1968), and the United States (1968)(The United States, UK, and the Soviet Union were the only states openly possessing such weapons among the original ratifiers of the treaty, which entered into force in 1970).
It's a poorly - scrutinised treaty which the Commission, nevertheless, thinks is «an opportunity to initiate a full conversation with the United States and France on the conditions that could allow the allied nuclear
weapon states to consider closer coordination of their continuous patrolling posture».
And Gordon Brown said nuclear
weapons states could contribute to a huge reduction in nuclear weapons overall.
He said that when Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama met President Chirac in Paris last June, he told him that «Japan found the French decision extremely regrettable, especially in the light of the agreement at the NPT [Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty] Extension Conference last May that the nuclear
weapon states should exercise the utmost restraint with respect to nuclear testing pending the conclusion of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty.
Even today, «North Korea or some other immature nuclear
weapons state may not even be able to accurately predict the yield that [they're] going to get, which is a little scary,» Lyman adds.
Typically, this process would take many years and several tests, although the collaboration with American weapon designers has helped to speed up Britain's programme in comparison with, say, the French (who carry out more nuclear tests per warhead design than the other nuclear
weapons state).
Among these are disagreements between the United States and Russia about the utility and purposes of missile defence, as well as insufficient transparency, planning, and cooperation among the nine nuclear
weapons states to support a continuing drawdown.
The resulting distrust leads nearly all nuclear
weapons states to hedge their bets by modernizing their nuclear arsenals.
The nuclear
weapon states» reaction to the treaty shows that such constructivist treaties can have an impact.
For decades the only opinions that seemed to matter about nuclear weapons were those of the five nuclear
weapon states (the US, the UK, France, Russia and China) and occasionally their allies.
Phrases with «weapon states»