So if Tocqueville is right that the partial truth of democracy needs to be corrected by the partial truth of aristocracy to properly appreciate both who we are and
what human liberty really is, then lots of political philosophy types need to look to the South more than they have.
Not exact matches
This «moral reading» of the Constitution calls on judges to act as moral philosophers: «equal protection of the laws» should mean
what best promotes «equal concern and respect» for all
humans; «
liberty» in the «due process» clause should mean autonomy in matters important to personal development, and so forth.
Liberals generally are for the killing of babies and other horendous ideas that war against the sanctity and
liberty of
human beings... Giving men with this kind of a world view «equal time» isn't
what I think God desires.
It describes a duty of society to retreat and give its members space to act on
what they deem essential; an acknowledgment not of a
human liberty or right, but of a
human obligation that precedes the social obligation and so shapes it.
If we win the political struggle, we will not even know
what we want unless we have a new vision of man, a new sense of
human possibility, and a new conception of the ordering of
liberty, the constitution of freedom.
We live in an age whose chief moral value has been determined, by overwhelming consensus, to be the absolute
liberty of personal volition, the power of each of us to choose
what he or she believes, wants, needs, or must possess; our culturally most persuasive models of
human freedom are unambiguously voluntarist and, in a rather debased and degraded way, Promethean; the will, we believe, is sovereign because unpremised, free because spontaneous, and this is the highest good.
In the forthcoming Victories of Reason he will go even further, contending that the most significant advances in knowledge,
liberty,
human rights and material well - being —
what we like to call progress — stem not from Greece or the Enlightenment or modernity but from Christianity itself.
But we require a fresh understanding of
what truth is and how it is related to the
liberty of the
human agent.
If you'll permit me to leave this thought: I have concluded after many years of «church hopping» to finally «no church» that
what we need in the «church» is not anything «new» as stated in your last paragraph but rather a «liberation from»... I conclude that the church (organized or free) considers this return to
liberty (brought about by Christ) as a legitimate «next step» in the history of «church» but that is firstly a lie and secondly opens up a door for even more destructive creativity by
humans.
Because this is the sole ideal that has the solidity once owned by Catholicism and the flexibility that this was never able to have, the only one that can always face the future and does not claim to determine it in any particular and contingent form, the only one that can resist criticism and represent for
human society the point around which, in its frequent upheavals, in its continual oscillations, equilibrium is perpetually restored, so that when the question is heard whether
liberty will enjoy
what is known as the future, the answer must be that it has something better still: it has eternity.29
Any totalitarian program for the state was declared to be hostile to the
liberty of the church and,
what is more, hostile to the
liberty of
human personality.
What the panel had to say: «Arvay never shies away from taking on divisive and socially controversial cases in his pursuit of civil
liberties and
human rights.»
So if
liberty is not absolute, but already restricted in the interests of the State,
what further restrictions, through ripping up of
human rights, could be achieved?