Sentences with phrase «when new labour»

Dalwood was tried, tested and rejected when New Labour was still cool, as a leader of Charles Saatchi's now - forgotten «new neurotic realist» movement in the late 1990s.

Wales play and my grand kids put up the Welsh flag, go down town it flay over the town hall, it was taken down when New labour were in power, it was put back up when they left.

«Those who don't give their political loyalty automatically to left or right — whose votes, therefore, are up for grabs — are a greater segment of the electorate now than they were when New Labour was being created in the 1990s,» he says.

Some of us wrote when New Labour was still in office that the government was riven with intense and debilitating personal feuding and policy disputes, the most nasty of which revolved around Gordon Brown, and which became even more poisonous once he moved into No 10.

Remember when New Labour did an «annual report» for a couple of years and decided it was a stupid idea?

In reality, though, the real insidious comfort zone in this leadership campaign is probably the nineties and noughties — the mythical golden age when New Labour could win big majorities against a directionless and demoralised Tory party in elections fought on centre - right, neo-liberal territory.

What good was the HRA when New Labour's database state was being built, tourists, photographers and trainspotters were routinely treated as terrorist suspects, and the right to peaceful protest was systematically eroded until it became almost a cipher?

His reference is to the 1997 General Election when New Labour won the support of just 30.8 % of those eligible to vote, against 32.5 % won by Major in 1992.

This is especially true when New Labour leaders also lied about invading Iraq and started a war that cost tens of billions of pounds.

Not exact matches

Macron, who left political rivals reeling when he won power barely a year after launching a new centrist movement, has already rattled his way through an overhaul of French labour rules, in spite of street protests and a pushback from unions.

Add in all the perks of producing at home — such as eliminating exchange rate uncertainty, lower chances of supply chain disruptions, a more plentiful supply of qualified labour and the synergies that develop when the R&D guys can easily chat with factory floor employees — and the overall costs of building a new factory in the U.S. or China are roughly equal.

The New Brunswick Federation of Labour (NBFL) was created in 1913 when Mr. James L. Sugrue of Saint John and Mr. Neil Savage of Moncton were elected President and Secretary - Treasurer respectively.

An economy reaches maximum employment when all available workers have jobs except those who are between jobs or are new entrants into the labour market.

It wasn't until 13/14 when we seemed to start to yield some fruits of labour from the new stadium and have some money again - able to compete with the billionaire backed clubs that had come into the prem, & buying some ready - made, expensive stars like never before.

There's more information on how to prepare siblings for the birth of a new baby over on babyReady where they suggest: make a game out of the kinds of strange noises that you may make when you are in labour, try not to make too many changes to your child's routine close to the delivery, let your older child open the baby's gifts, and take your older child to your doctor (or midwife) visits, and more.

I don't think there are many who relish another Tory Government, but frankly, when you have «New Nazi» in power for 12 long and bloody years (Iraq & Afghan Wars) you get to the stage where absolutely ANYONE BUT LABOUR will do.

«Something surreal is afoot when the government advertises its own failings in order to make the case for new Labour's grandiose ID card scheme,» noted Lib Dem home affairs spokesman Nick Clegg.

When you've just put Boris Johnson, a man who has made a career out of offending other nations and races, in charge of international diplomacy, it's probably wise to bite your tongue about Diane Abbott being made Labour's new home affairs spokesperson.

Jimmy Reid's Power Without Principles motivated me to try to stick to my socialist principles when elected to Parliament and to challenge New Labour's spin.

Labour really has declared war on Murdoch when a real New Labour grandee joins the attack.

It begs the question: why was this revolutionary new approach to dealing with the Ukip threat not dealt with before 2014, when Labour became the first main opposition party in decades not to win?

The first is that the analysis of Labour's defeat can not end on 12 September, when the new leader is crowned.

When BT - once part of the old General Post Office (GPO)- was privatised, we were reliably told by the unions and Labour MPs that the telecoms network would collapse, GPO engineers would no longer be safe up telegraph poles, new competitors would cherry - pick the best part of the business etc etc..

Let us allow ourselves to reminisce and go back to the early 1990s, when Tony Blar had just been elected leader and the New Labour saga was about to begin.

The confirmation that Ed Miliband will attend the Royal Wedding in a morning suit, such as trade union leaders used to wear to Royal Ascot in the days when they were always justly and often technically known as barons, confirms that he is True Labour rather than New Labour, as surely as David Cameron's vacillation on the subject confirmed his desire to be the Heir to Blair.

Labour's new candidate, Debbie Abrahams, does not deliver the usual confident prediction of a sweeping victory when asked if she thinks she's going to win.

Until Labour come to terms with their legacy and unveil a convincing set of new policies Ed Miliband and the shadow cabinet are always going to struggle when attacking the Conservatives.

And when I have challenged Lib Dem canvassers on the doorstep about the policy, I have met with a wall of ignorance: «Oh, I didn't know we were doing that, I'll have to go away and look it up...» (canvasser hastily retreats...) The CTF was one of the great liberal achievements of New Labour.

These negative impacts are the legacy of a climate policy that was conceived in 2006, when the previous Labour government announced that all new homes would be «zero carbon» by 2016.

There may be something of a rebound against politicians (of all three main parties) who won't even discuss cuts before they are elected, who tell specific lies in order to get elected (Liberals and Conservatives) and who speak out of both sides of their mouths (New Labour) when in opposition.

His time in Downing Street ended 20 years ago, when Major suffered a crushing electoral defeat at the hands of Blair's New Labour.

Labour's new Shadow Brexit Secretary Keir Starmer set out the party's approach to leaving the EU yesterday, stating Labour should seek to keep Britain in the single market but be «open to adjustments» when it comes to freedom of movement.

When Gordon Brown, guided by Ed Balls, announced just four days after the 1997 election that the Bank of England would become independent, the move appeared to be a masterstroke for New Labour.

On the face of it, there is a vacancy for a party of the centre, straddling the liberal wing of the Tory party and New Labour in exile — styled as a movement custom - built to deal with the challenges of the 21st century, when Corbyn and May are leading symmetrical retreats into dogmatic nostalgia of left and right.

Burnham was criticised for jokingly saying that Labour should have a woman leader «when the time is right», with the New Statesman saying that he had «tripped over his mouth again».

When John Smith died, Labour by chance got an opportunity to choose a new Labour «skip a generation» candidate, a decision they would not have taken in 1992.

The confirmation that Ed Miliband would attend the Royal Wedding in a morning suit, such as trade union leaders used to wear to Royal Ascot in the days when they were always justly and often technically known as barons, confirmed that he was True Labour rather than New Labour, as surely as David Cameron's vacillation on the subject confirmed his desire to be the Heir to Blair.

The problem seems to be that whenever a party loses an election, their first inclination seems to be to move in the opposite direction to the swing of the population, so when the Tories lost to Blair, they retrenched further right for two elections, and Labour assumed that New Labour was to blame for their loss in 2010, so publicly ditched that and moved left — when actually New Labour was the only time in history Labour have completed a second term, let alone a third.

As and when the Corbyn project implodes, goes the apparent argument, a new leader with the right plan will finally be summoned, and Labour will be back in the game.

What we will be doing shortly, when we come forward with our response to the Browne report, is install new measures that will ensure that the way in which students go to university is fairer and less punitive on those who are disadvantaged than the system that we inherited from the Labour party.»

His finest hours came with his awe - inspiring demolition job of the Government's fatuous annual report, one the finest Parliamentary performances of recent times — and just maybe the moment when the nation began to see the truth about New Labour.

Labour's new digirati will likely be broader and deeper, reflecting the greater political power and reach of the internet today relative to five years ago, when the Tory blogs began in earnest.

This is not really surprising; when Peter Mandelson said, in 1998, that New Labour was «intensely relaxed about people getting filthy rich», he really meant it.

When the Tories were then hit by sleaze and a new change was needed, the public chose the Labour alternative because it was a much improved alternative.

And when the dust settles, Cameron might well face a new Labour leader in charge of a divided, demoralised party.

«I laughed when I read the five policies Tom Clark, a former special adviser, imagined might be on Tony Blair's new Labour pledge card:

None, when in government, deviated significantly from the New Labour line.

When asked about whether the Conservatives should match Labour's «big strides» on increasing women's representation through all - women shortlists, Morgan - in her first comments on the issue since taking on her new job - did not rule the option out.

So, for example, when Tony Blair committed the New Labour government to raise UK health spending to the EU average (from about five per cent of GDP to about eight per cent at the time) that was a significant commitment.

New Labour made devolution a centrepiece of its reform programme when it came to power, with the promise that «devolution will be the salvation of the UK».