While Reno is correct that it is «unhealthy for our society
when cultural power becomes too concentrated in just a few very wealthy institutions,» using the state's tax power to attack «institutional giganticism» in the name of «philanthropic subsidiarity» as he proposes would only open the way for government to control, and even destroy, such institutions.
Not exact matches
After devastating famine in the late 1950s followed by social upheavals of the
Cultural Revolution in the»60s and»70s, China turned to a more pragmatic approach to economic development
when Deng Xiaoping ascended to
power at the end of that period.
but
when non-believers have learned to push back, christians are frightened of losing their
cultural and political
power.
Keel is drawn to theologians who articulate a post-Christendom perspective and who argue that Christians are most faithful
when they are not seeking
cultural or political
power.
In 1878 Emerson stated the
cultural assumption well
when he said, «Opportunity of civil rights, of education, of personal
power, and not less of wealth; doors wide open invitation to every nation, to every race and skin, hospitality of fair field and equal laws to all.
Reading them in this way does not diminish their authority or
power, but simply helps us understand them better
when our own
cultural and hermeneutical assumptions may get in the way.
From the 16th century
when Francis Xavier decided to cast his lot with the East against his own Western culture, to the 19th century
when Christaller singlehandedly promoted Akan culture, to the 20th
when Frank Laubach inveighed against the encroachments of American
power in the Philippines, missionaries in the field have helped to promote indigenous self - awareness as a counterforce to Western
cultural importation.
Thus understood, the doctrine of radical evil can furnish a receptive structure for new figures of alienation besides the speculative illusion or even the desire for consolation — of alienation in the
cultural powers, such as the church and the state; it is indeed at the heart of these
powers that a falsified expression of the synthesis can take place;
when Kant speaks of «servile faith,» of «false cult,» of a «false Church,» he completes at the same time his theory of radical evil.
When God's people were completely dominated by the imperial
powers, and their independent
cultural life was abrogated and assimilated, they had visions of the Messianic Reign.
These benefits include but are not limited to the
power of the human touch and presence, of being surrounded by supportive people of a family's own choosing, security in birthing in a familiar and comfortable environment of home, feeling less inhibited in expressing unique responses to labor (such as making sounds, moving freely, adopting positions of comfort, being intimate with her partner, nursing a toddler, eating and drinking as needed and desired, expressing or practicing individual
cultural, value and faith based rituals that enhance coping)-- all of which can lead to easier labors and births, not having to make a decision about
when to go to the hospital during labor (going too early can slow progress and increase use of the cascade of risky interventions, while going too late can be intensely uncomfortable or even lead to a risky unplanned birth en route), being able to choose how and
when to include children (who are making their own adjustments and are less challenged by a lengthy absence of their parents and excessive interruptions of family routines), enabling uninterrupted family boding and breastfeeding, huge cost savings for insurance companies and those without insurance, and increasing the likelihood of having a deeply empowering and profoundly positive, life changing pregnancy and birth experience.
As
cultural anthropologist Mimi Ito put it, «You're seeing the shift in expertise in authority, so that kids may know a lot about certain things, but parents can also bring really important expertise to the table, and that's
when you see a really productive shift in
power dynamic around learning.»
Eve's work leading Grub Street was recently recognized by the National Arts Strategies
when they selected her to join their Chief Executive Program, a two - year initiative designed to unleash the collective
power of 100 of the top executive leaders in the
cultural sector to re-imagine the potential of
cultural institutions and to figure out how they can contribute to civil society in the 21st century.
Set primarily in the 1950s,
when Haitian
cultural export — particularly of what is now referred to as first generation Haitian art — was on the rise and the country was opening itself to tourism, and
when Americans were awash with a postwar optimism that celebrated America's political and economic
power, it tells us relatively little about Haiti at mid-century and a great deal about the ways Americans saw themselves and the rest of the world.
At a time during the Civil Rights movement
when African American artists were expected by many to create figurative work explicitly addressing racial subject matter, Gilliam persisted in pursuing the development of a new formal language that celebrated the cultivation and expression of the individual voice and the
power of non-objective art to transcend
cultural and political boundaries.
In a recent episode of his absorbing podcast, «Revisionist History,»
cultural critic Malcolm Gladwell interrogates a statue modeled after a news photograph of a confrontation in 1963 between a police officer with a dog and a young black boy in Birmingham, Alabama.1 Made by African American sculptor Dr. Ronald McDowell, The Foot Soldier (1995) is far more horrific than the photo, Gladwell convincingly argues, because it bears an added imaginative potency: the narrative is told by a traditionally silenced voice, and for Gladwell this «is just what happens
when the people on the bottom finally get the
power to tell the story their way.»
At a moment
when individuals of all races are questioning sex and gender - based binaries, Newsome's videos offer a timely examination of
cultural power and agency within the context of gender, sexuality, and race.
I read this as an undergraduate with particular relationship to Chicana / o studies, but it remains critical to me for offering a meaningful way to understand the inextricably related nature of
cultural production,
power and context, something so often elided
when we begin to stratify high art and popular culture.
When I attended the curator's talk at Franz Kline: Coal and Steel at the Allentown Art Museum (to Jan. 13, 2013), I noticed several Pennsylvania
Power and Light (PPL) employees in the audience enjoying a
cultural lunch hour.
This all reinforces the importance of considering the
power of
cultural cognition
when pondering American polarization on climate, stem cells and a host of other issues underpinned by science — and the longstanding tendency of candidates seeking the Republican presidential nomination to take unscientific positions.
The
cultural worldview scales are continuous, and should be used as continuous variables
when testing study hypotheses, both to maximize statistical
power and to avoid spurious findings of differences that can occur
when one arbitrarily divides a larger data set into smaller parts in relation to a continuous variable.
But it is our great collective misfortune that the scientific community made its decisive diagnosis of the climate threat at the precise moment
when those elites were enjoying more unfettered political,
cultural, and intellectual
power than at any point since the 1920s.
But
when vested interests with outsize economic and
cultural power distort the public debate by introducing falsehoods, the integrity of our deliberations is compromised.
While the report focused on the purchasing
power of the Latino population as a whole, the report noted that language and
cultural dynamics result in different technology and media patterns for the Latino population
when compared to the general market.