Sentences with phrase «which poor and minority children»

Not exact matches

A key reason behind the recent turnaround in breastfeeding among minority mothers in Illinois and particularly in the metropolitan Chicago area, state and local public health leaders say, is a common - sense peer counselor program launched in WIC (Women, Infants and Children program) clinics, which serve women who are poor and nutritionally «at risk.»
Instead, it has demonized conservatives as insufficiently committed to poor and minority children, in the course of which it went a considerable way to derail the reauthorization process.
Some have argued that the legal basis for this mandate can be found in section 1111 (a)(8), the so - called «equitable teacher distribution» requirement, which asks states to submit plans to the Secretary that describe «steps that the State educational agency will take to ensure that poor and minority children are not taught at higher rates than other children by inexperienced, unqualified, or out - of - field teachers, and the measures that the State educational agency will use to evaluate and publicly report the progress of the State educational agency with respect to such steps.»
But ability grouping and its close cousin, tracking, in which children take different classes based on their proficiency levels, fell out of favor in the late 1980s and the 1990s as critics charged that they perpetuated inequality by trapping poor and minority students in low - level groups.
No Child Left Behind, which had strong bipartisan backing when it passed in 2001, was the signature education initiative of George W. Bush, who said the failure of public schools to teach poor students and minorities reflected the «soft bigotry of low expectations.»
An issue made clear again earlier this week when her priorities list was revealed, none of which mentioned doing right by poor and minority children.
After several congressional leaders — most notably Rep. Barbara Lee of California — roasted U.S. Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos for continuing to weaken the department's Office for Civil Rights and effectively abandoning the federal role in protecting the civil rights of poor and minority children, Harris essentially encouraged DeVos (along with the planned commission on school safety over which she will be chairing) to toss the school discipline reform measure into the ashbin.
While U.S. Secretary of Education Arne Duncan did his best to spin the administration's efforts as a solution for No Child's supposedly «broken» accountability measures, which he proclaimed, was «misleading» in identifying schools and districts — especially in suburbia — failing to provide high - quality education to poor and minority kids.
He also finds it particularly interesting that Common Core foes say they want high - quality education for all children, yet fail to consider that their opposition to the standards hurts poor and minority kids as well as middle class white and Asian children in suburbia, both of which have few options — including vouchers and charter schools — to which they can avail in order to get high - quality education.
This isn't to say that these officials don't care about these children, but that they are disinterested in taking on the tough work needed to overhaul districts and schools in order provide kids with the schools they deserve — which includes challenging the soft bigotry of low expectations for poor and minority kids held by far too many adults working in American public education in Virginia and the rest of the nation, and the affiliates of the National Education Association which has succeeded for so long in keeping the Old Dominion's status quo quite ante.
Then there was Virginia, which was granted a waiver in June 2012 by the Obama Administration in spite of its longstanding unwillingness to embrace systemic reform as well as address the low quality of teaching and curricula provided to poor and minority children.
The hijacking continued when the second President Bush called another summit that created the «No Child Left Behind,» law which was intended to close the learning gap between whites and poor minorities.
Due to the requirement under the federal No Child Left Behind Act that each state's Title I plan must describe «the specific steps that the state education agency will take to ensure that poor and minority children are not taught at higher rates than other children by inexperienced, unqualified, or out - of - field teachers and the measures that the state education agency will use to evaluate and publicly report the progress,» TEA formed a stakeholder group, upon which TCTA served, to develop its State Educator Equity Plan.
It is billed as a more humane alternative to No Child Left Behind - style school reform, which can punish poor and heavily minority schools for poor performance without doing much to address root causes.
Summary: In 1954, the U.S. Supreme Court issued the landmark decision Brown v. Board of Education, which struck down racially segregated schools because, the court said, they were inherently unequal and they unjustly harmed poor and minority children.
If they did, they would know that Alexander's plan would all but solidify the Obama Administration's move over the past few years to eviscerate No Child's Adequate Yearly Progress provisions, which have exposed the failure of traditional districts to provide high - quality teaching, curricula, and school cultures to poor and minority children (as well as those condemned to the nation's special ed ghettos).
Yet far too many children, especially those from poor and minority families, are placed at risk by school practices that are based on a sorting paradigm in which some students receive high - expectations instruction while the rest are relegated to lower quality education and lower quality futures.
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