One of those strategies was the elimination of the Chapter 220 program, which allowed for students of color from high - poverty neighborhoods to attend schools in predominantly
white suburban school districts.
As a result,
white suburban school districts were under no constitutional requirement to integrate their schools when their new white students had fled a central - city school district that was promulgating a desegregation plan.
Not exact matches
School desegregation reduced the impact of a geographic catchment area within a larger school district, but it also led to «white flight» to suburban schools and parochial schools (i.e. church run schools, often Catholic in Northern cities and historically white Evangelical protestant in the S
School desegregation reduced the impact of a geographic catchment area within a larger
school district, but it also led to «white flight» to suburban schools and parochial schools (i.e. church run schools, often Catholic in Northern cities and historically white Evangelical protestant in the S
school district, but it also led to «
white flight» to
suburban schools and parochial
schools (i.e. church run
schools, often Catholic in Northern cities and historically
white Evangelical protestant in the South).
Hamilton County merged with the Chattanooga
district in 1997; while Hamilton County
schools are
suburban with a mostly
white population, the Chattanooga
schools are urban with a high minority enrollment.
Using a complicated formula approved by the court, the state funds magnet
schools that accept students from several different
districts (at a minimum there must be two) at a per - pupil rate that increases as the number of
districts sending students increases — an attempt to bring central - city minority students and
white suburban students together in the same
school.
Kozol points out that the wealthiest
suburban school districts surrounding New York City, for example, spend more per pupil to educate their mostly
white student bodies than the city spends to educate its mostly minority population.
They show the contrasts we would expect between a high
school in an urban and predominantly black
school district, and one in a
suburban, predominantly
white, and middle - class county.
I watch higher - income parents, mostly
white, buy their way into high - performing
suburban districts while demanding a «moratorium» on public charters in order to deny the
school choice they exercise to low - income families, primarily of color.
Once predominantly
white and affluent
suburban school systems, for example, are increasingly confronted with a host of demographic issues formerly associated primarily with urban
districts.
It should give people pause when two
white suburban legislators propose having a
white county executive appoint a «commissioner» to be able to pluck
schools away from the democratically elected
school board of an overwhelmingly nonwhite
district.
Syracuse made
schools within city limits as racially balanced as possible, but left the predominantly
white outer ring of
suburban districts untouched.
White suburban moms, among many others, have certainly played an important role in organizing resistance to high - stakes tests in actions that have led to important victories in Texas, New York, and beyond as they fight to defend their children from abuse by a multibillion - dollar testing industry that is homogenizing education and draining resources from cash strapped
school districts.
The claim raised a few eyebrows, given that
white kids are on the rise in DCPS, private
school enrollment has been declining, and DCPS had to start a fraud unit because
suburban parents were faking residence to get their kids into
district schools.