Sentences with phrase «white than district schools»

Not exact matches

Milk is one of the required components of a school meal, and milks with two different fat contents must be offered; our district pays less for chocolate milk than for white, so the industry here does not benefit from the sale of chocolate milk over plain milk.

Joliet Public Schools District 86 has already reached out to McGreal, and JJC has received more than a half dozen calls from schools for requests since the two chefs returned from the program kickoff at the White House thisSchools District 86 has already reached out to McGreal, and JJC has received more than a half dozen calls from schools for requests since the two chefs returned from the program kickoff at the White House thisschools for requests since the two chefs returned from the program kickoff at the White House this month.

WHITE PLAINS, N.Y. (AP)-- The New York state comptroller says a special education provider overbilled school districts by more than $ 600,000.

The department received a complaint that a black student at the Lodi Unified School District in California, about an hour south of Sacramento, received harsher punishment than a white student after the two were in a fight.

Like many districts, Boston Public Schools (BPS) has initiatives to encourage minorities to become teachers (14 percent of bps students are white, compared with more than 60 percent of bps teachers).

What the AFT fails to acknowledge is that charter schools are more likely than district schools to promote integration, since in most charter schools white and minority kids take the same courses, while in many district schools minority kids are placed into nonacademic tracks.

White knows that the challenges of running New Orleans's 70 Recovery District schools are great, despite Paul Vallas's amazing progress in rebuilding a system that most educators agreed was among the worst in the nation before Hurricane Katrina destroyed more than 80 percent of its 127 schoolhouses (see «New Schools in New Orleans,» features, Springschools are great, despite Paul Vallas's amazing progress in rebuilding a system that most educators agreed was among the worst in the nation before Hurricane Katrina destroyed more than 80 percent of its 127 schoolhouses (see «New Schools in New Orleans,» features, SpringSchools in New Orleans,» features, Spring 2011).

In your district, African American students are three times more likely to live in poverty than white students and more than twice as likely to get into fights at school.

Kozol points out that the wealthiest suburban school districts surrounding New York City, for example, spend more per pupil to educate their mostly white student bodies than the city spends to educate its mostly minority population.

In a separate study, Russell Skiba and Natasha Williams further revealed that black students in the same schools or districts were not engaged in levels of disruptive behavior that would warrant higher rates of exclusionary discipline than white peers.

They brought this action in the United States District Court for the District of Kansas to enjoin enforcement of a Kansas statute which permits, but does not require, cities of more than 15,000 population to maintain separate school facilities for Negro and white students.

The brainchild of President Obama's Secretary of Education, John B. King Jr., the program had attracted interest from 26 school districts across the country that believed kids would be better off in schools that educate rich and poor, and white and minority students, together rather than separately.

By exploring districts» racial makeups, we see that across the board, Illinois has historically funded student groups in majority - White school districts better than their peers in districts with more students of color.

Each dot in figure 1 represents one of the 120 largest school districts in the country, excluding those that have fewer than 1,000 white students or 1,000 African American students.

• Black, white and Hispanic parents express higher satisfaction with private schools than with schools in both the charter and district sectors, but Asian parents do not.

For example, districts that allow school choice through a common application have high schools with higher black concentrations than their catchment areas, but lower white concentrations than their catchment areas.

Low - income, African - American, and Hispanic students in the 50 largest districts in Texas are less likely to attend schools with experienced teachers than high - income and white students in those same districts, concludes a report by the Education Trust, a Washington - based nonprofit research and advocacy organization.

Alabama also enacted tuition grant state laws permitting students to use vouchers at private schools in the mid-1950s, while also enacting nullification statutes against court desegregation mandates and altering its teacher tenure laws to allow the firing of teachers who supported desegregation.50 Alabama's tuition grant laws would also come before the court, with the U.S. District Court for the Middle District of Alabama declaring in Lee v. Macon County Board of Education vouchers to be «nothing more than a sham established for the purpose of financing with state funds a white school system.»

By 1969, more than 200 private segregation academies were set up in states across the South.38 Seven of those states — Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana — maintained tuition grant programs that offered vouchers to students in an effort to incentivize white students to leave desegregated public school districts.39 Between the 1969 - 70 and the 1970 - 71 school years, Alabama, Louisiana, and Mississippi saw tens of thousands of students flee to newly opened segregation academies.40 In a single school year, Mississippi led the trio with almost 41,000 students having left the state's public schools.

In Tennessee, for example, the state's traditional districts need only to ensure that 42.8 percent of black high school students are proficient in Algebra I during the 2012 - 2013 school year, some 20 percentage points lower than the rate of proficiency for white peers.

That's nearly 20 percentage points lower than the proficiency expectations the Evergreen State has set for districts in improving achievement of white middle - school students, which, in turn, are slightly lower than for Asian peers.

Last month, an opinion piece on Bloomberg.com encouraged the DoE to withdraw their guidance and let schools and districts manage their discipline policies without oversight — despite clear evidence that prior to the 2014 guidance, African American students and other groups were (and in many cases still are) more likely to receive heavier punishment for the same offenses than white students, and to be suspended at a higher rate.

Maybe you consider that «integrated,» but that high school is much Whiter and more Asian than the city I live in — the School District of Philadelphia is less than 8 percent Asian and only 14 percent school is much Whiter and more Asian than the city I live in — the School District of Philadelphia is less than 8 percent Asian and only 14 percent School District of Philadelphia is less than 8 percent Asian and only 14 percent White.

The research seems to indicate, says Tuck, that if schools in the poorest, mostly white districts are better resourced than even schools in the wealthiest, high - minority districts, there would seem to be factors beyond funding formulas and district property taxes in play.

Myers - Wilkins is the district's only such school, designated by the state for having more students of color than white students.

The Obama Administration's decision to allow states to implement supposedly «ambitious» yet «achievable» proficiency targets — usually with lower proficiency rates for poor and minority kids than for middle - class and white counterparts — allow districts and schools to do little to help those kids succeed.

In the all - charter district of New Orleans — that Chait described at the 2015 anniversary of Hurricane Katrina as «spectacular» in another defense of charters — virtually no (less than one percent) white students attend schools in that have earned a «D» or «F» performance rating.

In addition, white students are nine times more likely than African - American students and 18 times more likely than Latino students to attend a high - quality district school.

Both white and minority children in Connecticut's magnet schools showed stronger connections to their peers of other races than students in their home districts, and city students made greater academic gains than students in non-magnet city schools, Casey Cobb and a team of colleagues found in this research commissioned by the state of Connecticut.

Another eye - catching graphic shows that white flight in response to mandatory desegregation orders in northern school districts was much higher than predicted.

Its graduation rate rose from 64.3 percent in 2007 to 78.8 percent in 2012, according to data provided by the district, and it narrowed the achievement gaps between the district's Hispanic students and Texas» white students by more than 50 percent on state tests in high school math and science.

Graduations Up, Dropouts Down in LAUSD, Statewide High school graduation rates for Los Angeles Unified and districts across California increased last year, with Latino students showing larger gains than their white and Asian classmates, the state Department of Education said Tuesday.

But statistics showing African - American students in the district were eight times more likely to get an out - of - school suspension than white students last year raises questions about whether the discipline code works against efforts to close the achievement gap.

Black students in school districts from Madison to Milwaukee and Green Bay to Kenosha also graduate at much lower rates than their white peers.

In Tennessee, districts will only need only to ensure that two - thirds of all black high school students are proficient in Algebra in the next few years, 15 points lower than that for their white peers.

This has resulted in states such as Tennessee letting traditional districts get away with low bar goals, such as ensuring that 42.8 percent of black high school students are proficient in Algebra I during the 2012 - 2013 school year, some 20 percentage points lower than the rate of proficiency for white peers.

There are no schools in Howard, Harford or Carroll counties with a black enrollment as high as 75 percent, but together those districts have nearly 75 schools that are more than 90 percent white.

In 2015 — 16, Los Angeles Unified School District's suspension rate for Black students was seven times higher than white students while the per capita arrests of Black students were 17 times higher than white students.

From opposing the expansion of high - quality charter schools and other school choice options, to its opposition to Parent Trigger laws and efforts of Parent Power activists in places such as Connecticut and California, to efforts to eviscerate accountability measures that hold districts and school operators to heel for serving Black and Brown children well, even to their historic disdain for Black families and condoning of Jim Crow discrimination against Black teachers, both unions have proven no better than outright White Supremacists when it comes to addressing the legacies of bigotry in which American public education is the nexus.

In addition, when asked during the hearing if he would intervene as Assistant Secretary if Black students in a school district were receiving lower quality teachers, fewer books, fewer AP classes and fewer educational resources than White students, Mr. Marcus would not commit to addressing this clear violation of civil rights laws that prohibit districts from providing students of color with inferior resources.

The Clark County School District increased their rate by 2.8 percentage points while Washoe and White Pine Counties increased their graduation rate just less than 2 percentage points.

In 2012, the district signed a voluntary agreement with the U.S. Department of Education's office for civil rights following an investigation by the federal agency to address claims that the school system disciplined black students more harshly than white ones.

In every instance except in Wisconsin and Oregon, where the white populations are a supermajority in both district and K12 schools, students of color make up a significantly smaller portion of the student body than white students.