Sentences with phrase «with social liberal»

If you are interested in getting involved with the Social Liberal Forum at a regional level, please e-mail Kelly - Marie Blundell at [email protected]

Members of the Liberal Democrat Federal Policy Committee — together with Social Liberal Form Council members — have written to the Times reasserting the party's democratic and independent manifesto process.

Often this involves stressing what are now conservative views of free market economics and belief in individual responsibility, with social liberal views on defence of civil rights, environmentalism and support for a limited welfare state.

This democratic fight, must engage people with a social liberal vision for the future to replace the Thatcherite consensus and the broken ideas of the right.

Hi John, we would like to keep in touch with the Social Liberal diaspora, but as far as SLF membership is concerned we want our members to stay in the party and support our campaigns for social liberalism.

So either, get rid of the Conservative light members or make a clean break with a social liberal party.

These ideas contrast with those social liberal principles held by Lord Oakeshott, the Lib Dem president, Tim Farron, many party members and previous leaders such as Charles Kennedy.

If activists persist in supporting policies on the basis that they are infused with social liberal values and principles, rather than their popularity with the swing voter in the centre ground, then that is oh so endearingly and impractically childlike.

[6] Correspondingly, classical liberals tended to favour cutting taxes for the poorest in order to increase opportunity, contrasting with social liberals, who would rather see higher spending on public services and the disadvantaged in order to reduce income inequality.

Not exact matches

Not only are Johnson and Weld social liberals and fiscal conservatives, they espouse views traditionally associated with moderate Republican candidates on the economy, such as favoring international trade agreements and reducing the national debt.

It was currently a four - way race, with political novice and social liberal Emmanuel Macron polling slightly ahead of the far - right candidate Marine Le Pen.

It is too early to say whether the election will result in the continuation of the grand coalition between the conservatives and the social democrats, a revival of the conservative - liberal coalition with the Free Democratic Party (FDP), or even a three - way coalition between the conservatives, the FDP, and the Green Party.

On Friday, Liberal MP Rodger Cuzner gave notice of motion to have Kenney and «workers who have lost their jobs» to temporary foreign workers appear before the Standing Committee on Human Resources, Skills and Social Development and the Status of Persons with Disabilities to address problems with the foreign workers program.

While the 20th century will be remembered as the era of failed social humanism, with the fall of communism and a move away from socialistic values, liberal humanism seems to be taking hold in our society.

With the exception of the 1989 election, when Liberal Bill Code placed second, only the conservative Reform Party, Progressive Conservative, Alberta Alliance, Social Credit and Wildrose Party, and the environmentalist Evergreen Party have participated in the elections.

Supporters of the Alberta Party have taken to social media to voice their annoyance with Liberal Party plans to run a candidate, likely John Roggeveen, in Calgary - Elbow, where Alberta Party leader Greg Clark is also running.

The recent federal election featured something of a debate on fiscal policy, with the Liberals promising to run modest deficits for three years in order to stimulate a sagging economy and finance needed long - term investments in infrastructure and social programs.

And these are the ones that are changing the political, cultural, social complexion of OUR nation, and they're doing it ILLEGALLY and with the blessings of the liberal Democrats, no pun intended!

I don't know, but I'll risk a guess that the editors thought it worth a momentary suspension of their liberal propensities to have someone take on with gusto, which Laurent certainly does, those terrible Catholic neoconservatives who construe Catholic social doctrine in a way supportive of a market economy and liberal polity.

If those guys are largely right about the incentive factors that would then come into play (and especially if Americans were moderating their economic libertarianism with devotion to family, virtue, community, and God, as your work would urge them to), then by no means would that cause the social welfare policy disaster most liberals assume it would.

Moderate Protestants (along with Catholics) tend to «lean in a conservative direction on personal life - style issues and in a more liberal direction on matters of social justice.»

On the contrary, I believe that in the same wait that we have seen a delay in the social movement with regard to the construction of Europe, the liberal construction of Europe, the social movement is way behind schedule regarding globalisation.

Faced with these plans to pursue liberal globalisation, which does not concern the people at all, we must independently develop our own proposals for alternatives, based on social struggle which only the victims of the system can lead.

Christian does not equal Republican; frankly social liberals are more in line with the Gospel in regard to social equality and treatment of the poor and widowed.

I'm a Kingdom of God focused woman, postmodern, liberal to the conservative and conservative to the liberal in matters of both religion and politics (not an easy task, I assure you), a social justice wanna - be trying to do some good, and a nondenominational charismatic recovering know - it - all who has unexpectedly fallen back in love with the Church.

Even if we can not pray for some of these goals with much affirmation — even if we find ourselves praying for the salvation of liberals before Christ returns, or the redirection of evangelical social concern to its proper sphere of evangelism and world mission, or the disappearance of the electronic church — God will answer our prayers, with corrections if necessary, and will either change our minds or the minds of those for whom we are praying.

At a social event in Washington, Steinfels reports, a woman with an impressive reputation for supporting liberal and humanitarian causes was singing the praises of her daughter - in - law.

The bad reasoning behind this thesis, which combines guilt by association with the logical fallacy of post hoc ergo propter hoc (the ecumenical movement became «liberal» because it was concerned for church union and social demonstration of the gospel), is part of the theological DDT in evangelical soil which inhibits the growth and maturing of the present awakening.

Nowhere have the weak social foundations of American liberal institutions been more evident than in the battered and tattered nature of the welfare state, and in the cynicism with which it is viewed by nearly the entire populace — from the wealthy to the poor, for different reasons.

In the late 19th century, under the deforming impact of dispensational pessimism and liberal optimism, the broad river of classical evangelicalism divided into a delta, with shallower streams emphasizing — ecumenism and social renewal on the left and confessional orthodoxy and evangelism on the right.

Given the latest medical data concerning the distinct characteristics of the fetus and its ability to survive outside the womb at a startlingly early age, it is little wonder that in the past few years several of the denominations that once took a more open position on abortion have retreated somewhat: the Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.) is now studying the issue; in a 1980 statement on social principles, the UMC moved to a more qualified position; the Episcopal Church and the recently formed Evangelical Lutheran Church in America seem to be in the process of toning down their earlier positions (or those of a predecessor body) The Lutherans defeated a resolution in their 1989 Assembly which would have been consistent with the liberal position of the LCA predecessor body, and a 1988 Lutheran - Episcopal dialogue report refers to the fetus as «embryonic humanity» with claims on society.

Therefore, while the Kingdom can not be directly equated with the social gospel, as American liberal theology has tended to do, the impulse to social action in order to help persons — whether individually or corporately — is in keeping with his spirit and is a legitimate derivative from his message.

But the loss of institutional hegemony should not be equated too readily with a weakening in the various forms of liberal impulse — theological, ecumenical, social, political.

Along with Anthony Appiah and other current writers about the university, she acknowledges the intrinsic value of study (her most recent book on the topic is titled Not for Profit), while ultimately defending the value of liberal arts as essential for social and political progress.

By implication, however, if it could be shown that the fetus is a separate life from that of its mother (for example, having its own genetic code from the time of conception), then even by liberal criteria there would be a crime with a real victim, hence prohibited by the social contract with its minimal requirement of protection of innocent persons.

Combining a social conscience with political pragmatism, he advocates using» «conservative» means (like tax subsidies and vouchers) to reach these seemingly «liberal» goals.»

Yet these young social liberals are not attending the dozens of theologically liberal old line Protestant churches in DC whose beautiful sanctuaries are typically half or more empty with disproportionately old congregants on Sunday morning.

Nineteenth - century Protestantism tended to bifurcate into liberal, social - Gospel progressivism, such as Unitarianism, and the emotional, «backwater,» Calvinistic Evangelicalism of the South and the rural countryside, with its implacably distant and masculine God as Judge.

By «liberal theology» I mean the movement in modern Protestantism which during the nineteenth century tried to bring Christian thought into organic unity with the evolutionary world view, the movements for social reconstruction, and the expectations of «a better world» which dominated the general mind.

Other liberals said that love must be expressed directly in all social struggles, but with the effective means at hand, whether political, economic, or even military which may be necessary in an imperfect world.

In spite of differences on the ethical problem all Christian liberals conceived of ethical social action as rooted in a religious conception of the meaning of that action and with a religious faith which gives hope for its success.

Thus to bring the inner realm of man's freedom and the whole outward task of human culture and social advance into one religious unity, with a clear ethical imperative and sustaining hope, was the supreme achievement of the liberal Christian mind.

Remnant charismatic groups in mainline Protestant circles persist, sometimes identifying with socially conservative renewal groups that oppose progressive leaders in mainline denominations, attacking their liberal social stances.

There is widespread disillusionment both with the characteristic reliance of liberals on government and of conservatives on the market to combat social ills.

It was not until the 1950s that liberal intellectuals decided that the laity's preoccupation with personal faith encouraged self - absorption at the expense of theological and social issues.

It is at the point of what the Church requires of — or at least enjoins upon — its members in the total social situation that the liberal churches compare most favorably with the other two.

The strategies differed as well, with Graham and company focusing on the conversionism that had been central to evangelical awakenings as the means to transform society and the liberal Protestants rallying behind an all - out assault on social ills.

Why have many social critics and reformers, including both conservatives and liberals, found fault with the ideals of Martin Luther King, Jr.?

But not all liberal ministers have been concerned with social reform and not all ministerial social reformers have been liberals.

But in the past seven years it has re-established itself with a talented staff and strong denominational backing, and again offers a varied list of philosophy, current affairs, social criticism, liberal theology and belles - lettres.