Milliband should be clear that there will be no in - out referendum under a Labour government because we are for the EU, Labour is the party of Europe, but we want, in alliance
with labour movements throughout the EU, to renegotiate its founding treaties which are currently tearing it apart in accordance with our own socialist principles such as an EU - wide living wage and EU - wide full employment.
Such rhetoric ostracises, demeans and belittles people — people often associated
with the Labour movement.
Not exact matches
«When you change your trading relationship and population
movements with the world, it has to change everything from the cost and supply of
labour, the cost of good (exchange rate), the availability of market access (in and out), government finances (fiscal policy) or as we know very well monetary policy.
Faced
with declining membership, plant closures, weak economics and political hostility, the Canadian
labour movement is resorting to drastic measures.
It seems rather more plausible to me to say that where the Liberal Party failed to recognise its own enlightened self - interest was in failing to do more to hug close the
labour movement and perhaps Labour Party itself: had they been more able to select working - class candidates themselves, and / or been able to more forcefully develop the New Liberalism against some Gladstonian instincts, (or indeed kept the Fabian intellectuals interested: they broke with permeation only after the Liberal rejection of the 1909 Minority Report on the Poor Law, even having helped form the Labour Party from 1900 - 06) then it may have been possible that Labour would have remained primarily a trade union pressure group within a broader progressive all
labour movement and perhaps
Labour Party itself: had they been more able to select working - class candidates themselves, and / or been able to more forcefully develop the New Liberalism against some Gladstonian instincts, (or indeed kept the Fabian intellectuals interested: they broke with permeation only after the Liberal rejection of the 1909 Minority Report on the Poor Law, even having helped form the Labour Party from 1900 - 06) then it may have been possible that Labour would have remained primarily a trade union pressure group within a broader progressive all
Labour Party itself: had they been more able to select working - class candidates themselves, and / or been able to more forcefully develop the New Liberalism against some Gladstonian instincts, (or indeed kept the Fabian intellectuals interested: they broke
with permeation only after the Liberal rejection of the 1909 Minority Report on the Poor Law, even having helped form the
Labour Party from 1900 - 06) then it may have been possible that Labour would have remained primarily a trade union pressure group within a broader progressive all
Labour Party from 1900 - 06) then it may have been possible that
Labour would have remained primarily a trade union pressure group within a broader progressive all
Labour would have remained primarily a trade union pressure group within a broader progressive alliance.
Institutional preconditions are flexible
labour markets, an education and training system
with a strong emphasis on high level general education, companies
with top down management enabling rapid
movement of resources, and a sharp corporate governance system to enforce profitability.
A new report from the CMI (Chartered Management Institute) has found that despite Westminster's preoccupation
with immigration only 4 % of managers say limiting the
movement of
labour across the EU is a priority for them.
Moreover, this debate is not new,
with the nascent
labour and socialist
movements of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries contesting both the legacy and the contemporary relevance of this historic charter.
Rather than historicising complacency, I would start (though you will not agree)
with at least the following premises: that New
Labour has broken virtually all connection
with the
movement politics from which it once drew its strength (you call this «command and control».
A left - leaning coalition - formal or informal - will have around five parties,
with deep splits over single market membership and free
movement, and
with the SNP existentially needing to portray Westminster (especially a
Labour government in Westminster) as being out of touch
with Scotland.
Instead of mucking in
with the multifarious resistance
movement - which, as you rightly state here, does not require universal agreement in order to progress, that sort of Leninist thinking is weedkiller to the grassroots -
Labour is already positioning itself for the next election, terrified of doing anything at all which might upset the few swing voters in key marginal seats that the party has repositioned itself towards over the past twenty years.
Though, in recent decades,
Labour has desperately sought the approval of wealthy business owners in an attempt to drop its «anti-enterprise» image, the party is somewhat protected from these financial pressures by its links
with the trade union
movement.
Labour, whose frontbench is divided on the issue, is still officially committed to leaving the single market (allowing Corbyn and McDonnell to make big state aid commitments) and ending free
movement (a key concern of MPs
with pro-Brexit seats).
Labour doesn't even need to establish a constituency of support to do these things -
Labour has institutional links
with the union and cooperative
movements, a majority in the Commons, and has just bailed out British capitalism.
Her plan will chime
with that of Jeremy Corbyn's
Labour movement.
Perhaps the biggest community
movements we have are the trade unions, many have a link
with the
Labour party - something that modernisers thought out - dated rather than a vital connection
with grassroots activism.
It was a decision opposed
with varying degrees of militancy by the
Labour movement.
The unfolding of events in the weeks leading up to the vote on 10 December demonstrated two key points: firstly, the importance of the
Labour left taking a clear campaigning stand against such anti-woman, anti-working class and deeply unpopular policies; secondly, the crucial role played by a campaign led by women — the Save Lone Parent Benefit campaign — and orientated to linking up with parliamentary and labour movement oppos
Labour left taking a clear campaigning stand against such anti-woman, anti-working class and deeply unpopular policies; secondly, the crucial role played by a campaign led by women — the Save Lone Parent Benefit campaign — and orientated to linking up
with parliamentary and
labour movement oppos
labour movement opposition.
Since the leadership election, Jeremy Corbyn has made it his priority to turn
Labour into a democratic socialist party
with the support of social
movements.
A serving
Labour minister
with a future stands up and says managerialism and triangulation are bad, New
Labour is basically over, that
Labour needs to be a
movement again — gives tentative respect to the Iraq war marches, and says more public service reform and tax credits won't solve the challenges of a liveable decent society.
2) Association
with the Lib Dems — this was always going to make it into something of a referendum on Nick Clegg and makes it very hard to have a coherent Yes
movement when
Labour supporters of AV are furious at the Libs and they in turn are arrogantly insulting to
Labour.
For example, you're quite happy when
labour politicans support
movements with links to the Waffen SS, and unhappy when Tory politicians are allied to other politicians who support
movements with links to the Waffen SS.
Recent political events such as the energy around the Scottish referendum and indeed the surprise people -
movement that secured Jeremy Corbyn's victory in the
Labour leadership election indicate that discontent
with stale managerial politics is spreading.
The challenge for the Scottish
Labour left is to put these socialist convictions into a different mould: by reaching out not turning in, and building a party - based campaign group that joins
with anti-austerity activists, trade unionists, non-aligned socialists and community campaigners to strengthen the broad
movement for socialism.
On the face of it, there is a vacancy for a party of the centre, straddling the liberal wing of the Tory party and New
Labour in exile — styled as a
movement custom - built to deal
with the challenges of the 21st century, when Corbyn and May are leading symmetrical retreats into dogmatic nostalgia of left and right.
Watson stated: «These three documents outline a concerted strategy for members of the AWL to infiltrate (or, to use the language of the documents, «intervene») in the
Labour Party» with the explicit intention of influencing the party to indoctrinate «more people of revolutionary socialist ideas,» «advance and transform the wider labour movement» and to focus «on drawing in, organising, propagandising among, and recruiting among, the new people (especially the new young people) mobilised by the Corbyn surge.&
Labour Party»
with the explicit intention of influencing the party to indoctrinate «more people of revolutionary socialist ideas,» «advance and transform the wider
labour movement» and to focus «on drawing in, organising, propagandising among, and recruiting among, the new people (especially the new young people) mobilised by the Corbyn surge.&
labour movement» and to focus «on drawing in, organising, propagandising among, and recruiting among, the new people (especially the new young people) mobilised by the Corbyn surge.»
At the debate on the issue I attended, most of the panellists and delegates were almost entirely dismissive of the problem of antisemitism,
with several suggesting that it didn't even exist in any real way within the
movement and others suggesting the whole issue had been fabricated out of thin air by
Labour MPs and the right wing press.
This question, from somebody who wishes to remain Anon, but was a popular theme at Saturday's Fabian conference: «If you become
Labour party leader, what will you do to ensure labour becomes more open and democratic in party structure, to ensure Labour never becomes out of touch with members, movement, and the public while in office?&
Labour party leader, what will you do to ensure
labour becomes more open and democratic in party structure, to ensure Labour never becomes out of touch with members, movement, and the public while in office?&
labour becomes more open and democratic in party structure, to ensure
Labour never becomes out of touch with members, movement, and the public while in office?&
Labour never becomes out of touch
with members,
movement, and the public while in office?»
Scotland,
with the lowest Tory vote in the UK, will become an immense thorn in Blair's side because the Scottish Assembly will create an independent base of political activity for the Scottish
labour movement.
Blair and Mandelson know that their political project — to eliminate trade union and rank and file influence from the
Labour Party and move it towards coalition with the Liberals — and the government's economic policies, notably the goal of cutting social spending, will collide with successive layers of the labour mov
Labour Party and move it towards coalition
with the Liberals — and the government's economic policies, notably the goal of cutting social spending, will collide
with successive layers of the
labour mov
labour movement.
The Tories have frequently attacked
Labour for its ties
with the trade union
movement.
Labour's lead has only slipped slightly, from 16 % to around 13.5 % - not the sort of
movement that ought to threaten a seat
with this big a majority.
The NLC's President promide the
Labour will not stop its
movement in ensuring that whistle blowers in corruption cases were protected in accordance
with the decision of the Federal Executive Council.
The sadness today is that
Labour has a manifesto
with ideas a great many people outside the
Labour movement can identify
with but has a leader about whom too many people have already made an adverse judgement.
But Mr Smith told the BBC in July: «We have had a massive problem recently
with misogyny and intolerance in the party, anti-Semitism, racism and the awful way in which women in the
Labour movement have been treated.
An attempt by
Labour to try to make itself a
movement with broader appeal is particularly acute as the parties all await a report into funding due to be published in October by the committee on standards in public life.
The coming power struggle pits the neoliberal capitalist class — big business and the banks
with their friends in the media and their governing allies in the Tory party — against a weakened
Labour party pushed on the back foot by a big election defeat and a trade union
movement still hamstrung by Thatcher's legal minefield.
With nearly 15 years of experience working within the
Labour and trade union
movement, she was elected Confederal Secretary at the European TUC (trade Union Congress) in 2011, one of seven elected positions, to which she was nominated by the TUC.
Labour has long been identified with red, a political colour traditionally affiliated with socialism and the labour mov
Labour has long been identified
with red, a political colour traditionally affiliated
with socialism and the
labour mov
labour movement.
God life in the
labour movement not all is dead then, well done young
labour because the link
with the
labour party is at risk, the demi gods at the top of the Union are playing a dangerous game, so is the
labour party.
The campaign is not only based on extremely weak arguments but also on the idea that
Labour should go into the next election saying «We believe not only that free
movement should be possible
with the countries
with which we have the closest economic ties but also from every where else in the world.
«For
Labour, the half - million Poles who moved to Britain under EU free
movement, during the last government, has become a stick to beat them
with.
It was not then unusual, particularly in the union
movement, for
Labour supporters to work closely
with Communists, whose discipline and organisation they admired and who shared a loathing of the «ultra-leftists» associated
with various groups that went loosely under the label «Trotskyist».
The shadow foreign secretary will today seek to build momentum
with a call to turn
Labour into a «living, breathing
movement for change» when he addresses supporters at a Westminster rally.
Over the past year the
Labour party has turned into a mass
movement,
with hundreds of thousands of new members joining the party.
The benefits of the agreement are twofold,
Labour gaining candidates
with lower election costs and the party gaining influence within a
Labour movement.
Labour movements often deal
with issues like this, for example, an industrial dispute that covers a workplace chapel, of a trade section, of a trade union, which is affiliated to at least one Trades Hall Council, both the union and TUC being (factionalised) affiliates to a political party, which holds government, which runs the chapel section of the workplace in the first place.
Labour made democratic alliances
with struggling democratic
movements and kept clear of fellow - travelling
with the Soviets.
If Cameron can get some sort of
movement towards a deal
with Putin on a solution to the Assad problem, if he can convince that there is a wider diplomatic and military strategy at play, it's yet possible that he will win over enough
Labour MPs to get his way on the airstrikes.
«And what we are fighting for is consistent
with two principles that have driven our
movement from Keir Hardie's
Labour Representation Committee onwards.