Sentences with phrase «with labour movements»

Milliband should be clear that there will be no in - out referendum under a Labour government because we are for the EU, Labour is the party of Europe, but we want, in alliance with labour movements throughout the EU, to renegotiate its founding treaties which are currently tearing it apart in accordance with our own socialist principles such as an EU - wide living wage and EU - wide full employment.
Such rhetoric ostracises, demeans and belittles people — people often associated with the Labour movement.

Not exact matches

«When you change your trading relationship and population movements with the world, it has to change everything from the cost and supply of labour, the cost of good (exchange rate), the availability of market access (in and out), government finances (fiscal policy) or as we know very well monetary policy.
Faced with declining membership, plant closures, weak economics and political hostility, the Canadian labour movement is resorting to drastic measures.
It seems rather more plausible to me to say that where the Liberal Party failed to recognise its own enlightened self - interest was in failing to do more to hug close the labour movement and perhaps Labour Party itself: had they been more able to select working - class candidates themselves, and / or been able to more forcefully develop the New Liberalism against some Gladstonian instincts, (or indeed kept the Fabian intellectuals interested: they broke with permeation only after the Liberal rejection of the 1909 Minority Report on the Poor Law, even having helped form the Labour Party from 1900 - 06) then it may have been possible that Labour would have remained primarily a trade union pressure group within a broader progressive alllabour movement and perhaps Labour Party itself: had they been more able to select working - class candidates themselves, and / or been able to more forcefully develop the New Liberalism against some Gladstonian instincts, (or indeed kept the Fabian intellectuals interested: they broke with permeation only after the Liberal rejection of the 1909 Minority Report on the Poor Law, even having helped form the Labour Party from 1900 - 06) then it may have been possible that Labour would have remained primarily a trade union pressure group within a broader progressive allLabour Party itself: had they been more able to select working - class candidates themselves, and / or been able to more forcefully develop the New Liberalism against some Gladstonian instincts, (or indeed kept the Fabian intellectuals interested: they broke with permeation only after the Liberal rejection of the 1909 Minority Report on the Poor Law, even having helped form the Labour Party from 1900 - 06) then it may have been possible that Labour would have remained primarily a trade union pressure group within a broader progressive allLabour Party from 1900 - 06) then it may have been possible that Labour would have remained primarily a trade union pressure group within a broader progressive allLabour would have remained primarily a trade union pressure group within a broader progressive alliance.
Institutional preconditions are flexible labour markets, an education and training system with a strong emphasis on high level general education, companies with top down management enabling rapid movement of resources, and a sharp corporate governance system to enforce profitability.
A new report from the CMI (Chartered Management Institute) has found that despite Westminster's preoccupation with immigration only 4 % of managers say limiting the movement of labour across the EU is a priority for them.
Moreover, this debate is not new, with the nascent labour and socialist movements of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries contesting both the legacy and the contemporary relevance of this historic charter.
Rather than historicising complacency, I would start (though you will not agree) with at least the following premises: that New Labour has broken virtually all connection with the movement politics from which it once drew its strength (you call this «command and control».
A left - leaning coalition - formal or informal - will have around five parties, with deep splits over single market membership and free movement, and with the SNP existentially needing to portray Westminster (especially a Labour government in Westminster) as being out of touch with Scotland.
Instead of mucking in with the multifarious resistance movement - which, as you rightly state here, does not require universal agreement in order to progress, that sort of Leninist thinking is weedkiller to the grassroots - Labour is already positioning itself for the next election, terrified of doing anything at all which might upset the few swing voters in key marginal seats that the party has repositioned itself towards over the past twenty years.
Though, in recent decades, Labour has desperately sought the approval of wealthy business owners in an attempt to drop its «anti-enterprise» image, the party is somewhat protected from these financial pressures by its links with the trade union movement.
Labour, whose frontbench is divided on the issue, is still officially committed to leaving the single market (allowing Corbyn and McDonnell to make big state aid commitments) and ending free movement (a key concern of MPs with pro-Brexit seats).
Labour doesn't even need to establish a constituency of support to do these things - Labour has institutional links with the union and cooperative movements, a majority in the Commons, and has just bailed out British capitalism.
Her plan will chime with that of Jeremy Corbyn's Labour movement.
Perhaps the biggest community movements we have are the trade unions, many have a link with the Labour party - something that modernisers thought out - dated rather than a vital connection with grassroots activism.
It was a decision opposed with varying degrees of militancy by the Labour movement.
The unfolding of events in the weeks leading up to the vote on 10 December demonstrated two key points: firstly, the importance of the Labour left taking a clear campaigning stand against such anti-woman, anti-working class and deeply unpopular policies; secondly, the crucial role played by a campaign led by women — the Save Lone Parent Benefit campaign — and orientated to linking up with parliamentary and labour movement opposLabour left taking a clear campaigning stand against such anti-woman, anti-working class and deeply unpopular policies; secondly, the crucial role played by a campaign led by women — the Save Lone Parent Benefit campaign — and orientated to linking up with parliamentary and labour movement opposlabour movement opposition.
Since the leadership election, Jeremy Corbyn has made it his priority to turn Labour into a democratic socialist party with the support of social movements.
A serving Labour minister with a future stands up and says managerialism and triangulation are bad, New Labour is basically over, that Labour needs to be a movement again — gives tentative respect to the Iraq war marches, and says more public service reform and tax credits won't solve the challenges of a liveable decent society.
2) Association with the Lib Dems — this was always going to make it into something of a referendum on Nick Clegg and makes it very hard to have a coherent Yes movement when Labour supporters of AV are furious at the Libs and they in turn are arrogantly insulting to Labour.
For example, you're quite happy when labour politicans support movements with links to the Waffen SS, and unhappy when Tory politicians are allied to other politicians who support movements with links to the Waffen SS.
Recent political events such as the energy around the Scottish referendum and indeed the surprise people - movement that secured Jeremy Corbyn's victory in the Labour leadership election indicate that discontent with stale managerial politics is spreading.
The challenge for the Scottish Labour left is to put these socialist convictions into a different mould: by reaching out not turning in, and building a party - based campaign group that joins with anti-austerity activists, trade unionists, non-aligned socialists and community campaigners to strengthen the broad movement for socialism.
On the face of it, there is a vacancy for a party of the centre, straddling the liberal wing of the Tory party and New Labour in exile — styled as a movement custom - built to deal with the challenges of the 21st century, when Corbyn and May are leading symmetrical retreats into dogmatic nostalgia of left and right.
Watson stated: «These three documents outline a concerted strategy for members of the AWL to infiltrate (or, to use the language of the documents, «intervene») in the Labour Party» with the explicit intention of influencing the party to indoctrinate «more people of revolutionary socialist ideas,» «advance and transform the wider labour movement» and to focus «on drawing in, organising, propagandising among, and recruiting among, the new people (especially the new young people) mobilised by the Corbyn surge.&Labour Party» with the explicit intention of influencing the party to indoctrinate «more people of revolutionary socialist ideas,» «advance and transform the wider labour movement» and to focus «on drawing in, organising, propagandising among, and recruiting among, the new people (especially the new young people) mobilised by the Corbyn surge.&labour movement» and to focus «on drawing in, organising, propagandising among, and recruiting among, the new people (especially the new young people) mobilised by the Corbyn surge.»
At the debate on the issue I attended, most of the panellists and delegates were almost entirely dismissive of the problem of antisemitism, with several suggesting that it didn't even exist in any real way within the movement and others suggesting the whole issue had been fabricated out of thin air by Labour MPs and the right wing press.
This question, from somebody who wishes to remain Anon, but was a popular theme at Saturday's Fabian conference: «If you become Labour party leader, what will you do to ensure labour becomes more open and democratic in party structure, to ensure Labour never becomes out of touch with members, movement, and the public while in office?&Labour party leader, what will you do to ensure labour becomes more open and democratic in party structure, to ensure Labour never becomes out of touch with members, movement, and the public while in office?&labour becomes more open and democratic in party structure, to ensure Labour never becomes out of touch with members, movement, and the public while in office?&Labour never becomes out of touch with members, movement, and the public while in office?»
Scotland, with the lowest Tory vote in the UK, will become an immense thorn in Blair's side because the Scottish Assembly will create an independent base of political activity for the Scottish labour movement.
Blair and Mandelson know that their political project — to eliminate trade union and rank and file influence from the Labour Party and move it towards coalition with the Liberals — and the government's economic policies, notably the goal of cutting social spending, will collide with successive layers of the labour movLabour Party and move it towards coalition with the Liberals — and the government's economic policies, notably the goal of cutting social spending, will collide with successive layers of the labour movlabour movement.
The Tories have frequently attacked Labour for its ties with the trade union movement.
Labour's lead has only slipped slightly, from 16 % to around 13.5 % - not the sort of movement that ought to threaten a seat with this big a majority.
The NLC's President promide the Labour will not stop its movement in ensuring that whistle blowers in corruption cases were protected in accordance with the decision of the Federal Executive Council.
The sadness today is that Labour has a manifesto with ideas a great many people outside the Labour movement can identify with but has a leader about whom too many people have already made an adverse judgement.
But Mr Smith told the BBC in July: «We have had a massive problem recently with misogyny and intolerance in the party, anti-Semitism, racism and the awful way in which women in the Labour movement have been treated.
An attempt by Labour to try to make itself a movement with broader appeal is particularly acute as the parties all await a report into funding due to be published in October by the committee on standards in public life.
The coming power struggle pits the neoliberal capitalist class — big business and the banks with their friends in the media and their governing allies in the Tory party — against a weakened Labour party pushed on the back foot by a big election defeat and a trade union movement still hamstrung by Thatcher's legal minefield.
With nearly 15 years of experience working within the Labour and trade union movement, she was elected Confederal Secretary at the European TUC (trade Union Congress) in 2011, one of seven elected positions, to which she was nominated by the TUC.
Labour has long been identified with red, a political colour traditionally affiliated with socialism and the labour movLabour has long been identified with red, a political colour traditionally affiliated with socialism and the labour movlabour movement.
God life in the labour movement not all is dead then, well done young labour because the link with the labour party is at risk, the demi gods at the top of the Union are playing a dangerous game, so is the labour party.
The campaign is not only based on extremely weak arguments but also on the idea that Labour should go into the next election saying «We believe not only that free movement should be possible with the countries with which we have the closest economic ties but also from every where else in the world.
«For Labour, the half - million Poles who moved to Britain under EU free movement, during the last government, has become a stick to beat them with.
It was not then unusual, particularly in the union movement, for Labour supporters to work closely with Communists, whose discipline and organisation they admired and who shared a loathing of the «ultra-leftists» associated with various groups that went loosely under the label «Trotskyist».
The shadow foreign secretary will today seek to build momentum with a call to turn Labour into a «living, breathing movement for change» when he addresses supporters at a Westminster rally.
Over the past year the Labour party has turned into a mass movement, with hundreds of thousands of new members joining the party.
The benefits of the agreement are twofold, Labour gaining candidates with lower election costs and the party gaining influence within a Labour movement.
Labour movements often deal with issues like this, for example, an industrial dispute that covers a workplace chapel, of a trade section, of a trade union, which is affiliated to at least one Trades Hall Council, both the union and TUC being (factionalised) affiliates to a political party, which holds government, which runs the chapel section of the workplace in the first place.
Labour made democratic alliances with struggling democratic movements and kept clear of fellow - travelling with the Soviets.
If Cameron can get some sort of movement towards a deal with Putin on a solution to the Assad problem, if he can convince that there is a wider diplomatic and military strategy at play, it's yet possible that he will win over enough Labour MPs to get his way on the airstrikes.
«And what we are fighting for is consistent with two principles that have driven our movement from Keir Hardie's Labour Representation Committee onwards.
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