Sentences with phrase «with political tradition»

«By keeping with political tradition, this decision represents a lost opportunity to change business as usual and challenge the entrenched interests that dominate special elections.»

Her close relationship with the mayor was a break with the political tradition she grew up in ---- as head of both the Housing Justice Campaign and the Gay and Lesbian Anti-Violence Project, as a protégé of Duane, who was an outspoken critic of Giuliani while on the Council, and as a top deputy to former Speaker Gifford Miller, who often adopted a confrontational approach toward Bloomberg.

Not exact matches

Shortly before assuming office last year, Trump broke with tradition by ordering all of former President Barack Obama's political appointees to leave their ambassadorships immediately after the inauguration.

It is time for political leaders and their advisors to consider these and develop other practical policies to deal with inequality and our economic problems in a way consonant with America's broad - based ownership tradition.

Marilyn Burns has continued the firm's proud tradition of political activism, finishing second in the 2005 Alberta Alliance leadership race and co-founding the Wildrose Society (which became the Wildrose Party) with Link Byfield and others in 2007.

That is usually the case with organizations grouping nations with widely different levels of development, different geo - political realities and different political traditions.

Within the classical liberal tradition, there is desire for a political system to respect the right to live free from physical force, for a government of limited function in the protection of rights, and for powers to be exercised in accordance with laws objective and universal.

First, there has rarely been such a sustained (and in many respects impressive) public grappling with the moral criteria and political logic of the just war tradition.

The Catholic Church had retrieved lost elements of its own tradition, and learned some new things along the way, in coming to terms with religious freedom and political modernity.

While I agree that the church could definitely be less political and break with tradition in some areas, I think that a lot of this has to do with people hardening their hearts to the truth of the Bible.

In other words, «liberalism» is used by these thinkers with a more inclusive meaning, according to which the tradition of political Liberalism dates back at least to the philosophy of John Locke and numbers Jeremy Bentham, John Stuart Mill, Adam Smith, Thomas Jefferson, Milton Friedman, and Reinhold Niebuhr among its spokesmen.

We owe to them the tradition of decorating a tree, eating turkey, and the sense that Christmas is a time to retreat to a domestic idyll with family and bolt the door on whatever turbulent political or economic changes are raging outside.

With such a commitment to a genuine «pluralism of communities» (in Robert Nisbet's phrase), we would not treat our inheritance with contempt by insisting that our political tradition has always been headed for self - destructWith such a commitment to a genuine «pluralism of communities» (in Robert Nisbet's phrase), we would not treat our inheritance with contempt by insisting that our political tradition has always been headed for self - destructwith contempt by insisting that our political tradition has always been headed for self - destruction.

In agreement with most nonteleological expressions in the liberal political tradition, this theory affirms that rights articulate a universal or natural moral law; but, against the persisting weight of the modern natural law tradition, the universal right to general emancipation is not bound to the assertion that human rights are independent of any inclusive good.

And while I'm not sure I agree with the Distributist Review «s contention that this tradition «[remains] as vibrant as ever,» it's foolish to bet against its continued relevance or even resurgence in a world where much of political and economic life is emphatically not conducted as if people — or God — matter.

Whether Rama or Ravana ruled, whatever political authority structures came into being or disappeared, they had but minimum impact on the life of the various village communities; they continued to live in some kind of internal self - sufficiency according to their different traditions, with Custom as the real King.

Neither the political tradition of realism, with its sharp focus on narrowly conceived national interest, nor a utopian universalism uninformed by the hard practicalities of military capability offers significant conceptual help.

Some knowledge of the history and forms of political organization of other nations is also desirable, as a source of suggestions for improving American governmental processes and of warnings about tendencies to be avoided, and as a basis for understanding the different ways of people with other traditions, resources, and problems.

Within that tradition, both in its political and ecclesial expression, authority is a way of ordering power within a community in such a way that, at one and the same time, it supports and augments common beliefs and ways of life and is regularly and harmoniously conjoined with a structure of offices that gives order to the exercise of authority and power within the particular society in question.

In the 1970s and 1980s I spent considerable time in dialogue with Mennonite scholars about the differences between the Reformed and Anabaptist traditions on political and ethical questions.

It's a place with customs, traditions, and political institutions.

At a time when Christians of various traditions are wrestling with questions of political theology, it does not seem to make sense for Jews to insist that Christianity holds an essentially ahistorical view of salvation.

It's a real place with customs, traditions, and political institutions.

And the issue has not yet become a political litmus test, requiring leaders to revise their tradition's ethics in order to remain in coalition with their allies on the political and cultural left.

The religion faculty (many with degrees from top - flight Western universities) combines an inflexible affirmation of the perfection of Qur» anic revelation (and solidarity with global Muslim political grievances) with a very sophisticated interpretive attempt to moderate any aspect of the tradition that stands in the way of economic and technological advance.

Examine the question of freedom from literary, theological and political perspectives with attention to the relationship between freedom and human happiness (informed by understandings of law, sin, and grace) and the relationship between freedom and tradition.

He holds simultaneously that existing democratic ideas, traditions, and institutions were often championed in actual history by those who were non-Christians or even anti-Christian; and yet that, in building better than they knew, such persons were often generating in human temporal life constructs whose foundations were not only consistent with Jewish and Christian convictions about the realities of ethical and political life, but in a sense dependent on them.

Their attempts to adhere, however inconsistently, to a religious tradition she vigorously faults as a failure of political engagement, negatively contrasting this contemporary men's movement with the Social Gospel movement that arose early in the century.

But we also need to reacquaint ourselves with our «grand tradition» of religious liberty, and with an equally grand tradition of political conciliation — of putting the common good of our nation above the special interests of whatever groups we favor.

This categorization is very helpful: we can identify religious groups with distinctive voting behavior while also showing substantial political differences between «traditionalists» and «modernists» in each major tradition.

In an interview with CNN's Wolf Blitzer, Perry said Obama and the political left were waging a «war on religious traditions,» including preventing students from praying in schools and having Christmas parties.

Our American political tradition begins with a revolutionary assertion of civic equality — a rejection of custom and heritage in favor of a brighter future, a novus ordo seclorum.

But immigrants have come here not because Canada has no core political identity, but precisely because of Canada's core political identity: a stable democracy with a vibrant tradition of the rule of law rooted in British and French precedents.

As they develop economically, non-Western societies are more likely to see virtues in political democracy than in Western Christianity and they will become more likely to reinterpret their religious and cultural traditions so as to make them compatible with the democratic political practices.

While great attention therefore needs to be paid to the manipulation of power and the management of economic and political forces, we know that the primary mode by which a community reconstitutes itself is by its interpretation, by its reflection on ancient memory and tradition, and by its recasting of that memory and tradition in new ways that are resonant with the new situation.

Mosse observes that the missionaries» accommodation of caste, and their weak political position, provided Christians with a distinctive religious tradition, but not a new social identity.

Developed cultures contribute additional layers of differentiation, replacing myth and tradition with unified cosmologies and higher religions, articulating well - codified moral precepts, and positing universalistic principles as modes of legal and political legitimation.

Coalition also insists that «there are some universal core values that can be taught — values that are not identified with any single political or religious tradition.»

«Similarly, the text neglects to mention that the Founders were reacting against several of the crucial elements of the moral, legal, and political tradition associated with Moses and the Ten Commandments.»

Nevertheless the Christian doctrine of the relation between the ethics of Law and Grace, the Hindu concept of paramarthika and vyavaharika realms, the Islamic concept of shariat law versus the transcendent law, and the equivalent ones in secular ideologies like the Marxist idea of the present morality of class - war leading to the necessary love of the class-less society of the future need to be brought into the inter-faith dialogue to build up a common democratic political ethic for maintaining order and freedom with the continued struggle for social justice, and also a common civil morality within which diverse peoples may renew their different traditions of civil codes.

It confused the cultural unity which existed in the peninsula — confined, however, to a very thin stratum of the population, and polluted by the Vatican's cosmopolitanism — with the political and territorial unity of the great popular masses, who were foreign to that cultural tradition and who, even supposing that they knew of its existence, couldn't care less about it.

The attempt is not to survey all history and all political and social thought but to open up some of the great traditions, to indicate the character of some attempted solutions of the past, to study a few of those topics and of the great statements of analysis or of ideals with some intensity.

A political system, along with such supportive traditions as the rule of law and loyal opposition, is supposed to be a durable fixture on the political landscape and ought not to be changed lightly.

It is backward looking, a kind of longing quest to rediscover tradition, to make life simple, and (for this reason) it probably shares an «elective affinity» with dogmatism, bigotry, and political conservatism of other kinds.

The NPP was born out of TRIBALISM, and they have always remained so since the time of the National Liberation Movement (NLM) with Mate - Meho as its local name, the Danquah / Busia tradition have always used Tribalism to advance their political ambitions.

Reform of the constitutional architecture of the UK state over the past two decades has adhered to a conservative orthodoxy based on an enduring belief in the British Political Tradition: the redistribution of power is negotiated between the state and sub-state national and regional elites rather than with the British people.

For all the talk of radicalism and «rupture», Thatcherism was an ideology of restoration: consonant with the ideology and ideas of the Conservative Party and the intellectual tradition of the Establishment Centre - Right and strand of thought within the British Political Ttradition of the Establishment Centre - Right and strand of thought within the British Political TraditionTradition.

A conservative tradition may be intellectually inspiring but can not achieve results; the conservative mobilization after 1964 which accelerated in the 1970s and was further boosted by the Reagan victory produced a movement which reinforced, though was sometimes at odds with, the Republican Party and was able to elect candidates and project itself in the political arena.

Also, the French blogosphere is huge, with the web no doubt supplementing the tradition of endless corner - café political conversations.

Although the parable had been used many times before, it was Margaret Thatcher who started the modern tradition with one of her first big speeches, the 1968 Conservative Political Centre Lecture, entitled «What's wrong with politics?»