But neither are we impressed by the simplistic portrayal of Bush's stance, especially when the US's regulation of embryonic SC research is mirrored in the policies of a host of European nations, including such models
of Liberal democracy as Germany and Denmark.
The British parliamentary system, inspired by John Locke, Edmund Burke, John Stuart Mill and many others who believed in a system of checks and balances to guarantee our liberties, has in the past been much admired as a
model of liberal democracy, one that has enabled the peaceful evolution that has been an almost unique part of our history.
You get no good intelligence, while what you do get is decidedly bad, including a corrosion of the legitimacy of security agencies and a weakening of the
foundation of liberal democracy itself.
Reading the diaries of Dietrich von Hildebrand from the late 1920s and early 1930s, I was powerfully struck by how the disdain of continental European Christian intellectuals for the messy
pluralism of liberal democracy made too many of those thinkers vulnerable to the siren songs of the monism proposed by German National Socialism and Italian fascism.
The
future of liberal democracy depends upon the renewal of our civic covenant and a restoration of solidarity between the leaders and the led, as well as among the many citizens of our diverse nation.
Sustainable History is a concept I previously proposed as an alternative to the End of History narrative proposed by Francis Fukuyama, which envisaged the fast
spread of liberal democracy as a point in history where all major ideological struggles would cease.
Now with such control over the globalized economics, the dominant world powers find that the system
of liberal democracy with the party system and general elections to choose governments is a better safe - guard of their interests than political dictatorships.
He traces our unease to the
father of liberal democracy, John Locke, and to his claim that what nature provides for us is «virtually worthless,» becoming valuable only when mixed with our labor.
Perhaps an abiding lesson of this wretched era may be a greater tolerance on the part of believers for the imperfections and
compromises of liberal democracy and its messy interest - group politics — and a justified realism about the diminished public authority attributable to the churches themselves, which when tried in the fire were found wanting.
In Technology and the Character of Contemporary Life, Albert Borgmann says that «the technological culture is the largely unspoken but pivotal
issue of liberal democracy.»
Do the historical facts of the moral
collapse of liberal democracy drive the church into a status confessionis like the Confessing Church faced in Nazi Germany or Christians in South Africa faced under apartheid?
That view has come under attack of late by neotraditionalists who are highly critical of the
ethos of liberal democracy, which is — as they see it — focused on individual autonomy, individual rights and a thin, procedural view of justice.
The
government of a liberal democracy is like every other government in that it coerces its citizens in all kinds of ways for the common good — the dominant form of this coercion being taxation.
If Marxism and secular
ideologies of liberal democracy were turning points, the collapse of socialism in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe has been historic too.
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Americans thought the world stage had been cleared for our benevolent power to lift others to the broad, sunlit
uplands of liberal democracy and free - market prosperity.
That being said, however, The Family in the Modern Age is a scholarly treatise and manifesto that should be cheered by
friends of liberal democracy.
It is important not to ascribe every positive aspect of modern history to the
advent of liberal democracy, simply because one followed the other.
The celebration of the
rise of liberal democracy in the third world and in Eastern Europe could prove to be a deceptive political ritual.
They help institutionalise the rules and
norms of liberal democracy in joining countries and provide the politicians in each with the political capital to push through any sweeping reforms which may be required.
In addition, the existence of marginalized communities in Western democratic societies, which stand as the
pinnacle of the liberal democracy model, as well as some contested international policies of some democracies in recent history, have questioned the mythology of the liberal order in its current form as an aspiration of all peoples and the natural course of history.
The tension between sovereign self - determination claims on the one hand and adherence to universal human rights principles on the other is arguably a constitutive
feature of liberal democracy.
In the climate of reinvigorated faith in the
virtues of liberal democracy post-1989, freedom and democracy were two common buzzwords that indeed seem to carry a strong promise for the future.
What we should surely be aware of is that these issues connect directly with the much broader and ongoing global debate about the future of government and the challenge that the rise of non-democratic countries, like China, pose to the universal
aspirations of liberal democracy.
Lastly, the episode raises questions about the protection of minority rights against the will of the majority, a
tenet of liberal democracy.
It is also more inclusive than just the insistence on «political freedom» which is central to current
forms of liberal democracy and the «end of history thesis ``.
Contemporary republicanism in academic political theory — neo-republicanism — is partly informed by a
critique of liberal democracy and proposed as a corrective to the problematic effects of markets and individualism.
Ferris, the best - selling author of such science classics as Coming of Age in the Milky Way and The Whole Shebang, has bravely ventured across the magisterial divide to argue that the scientific values of reason, empiricism and antiauthoritarianism are not the
product of liberal democracy but the producers of it.
Such was widely predicted to be the
fate of the liberal democracies, but the verdict of experiment was otherwise: liberal democracy turned out to be the most stable and long - lasting form of government ever instituted.»
«All the available evidence indicates that exposure to difference, talking about difference, and applauding difference — the
hallmarks of liberal democracy — are the surest ways to aggravate those who are innately intolerant,» Haidt quotes Stenner, «and to guarantee the increased expression of their predispositions in manifestly intolerant attitudes and behaviors.»
While the exhibition aspires to reaffirm the
power of liberal democracy, it is supported by, and in turn supports, the economic forces that are tearing these ideals apart.